INDIANAPOLIS  [00RNA£s 


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1  M'&R  i  ON 


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'Q. 


SKETCH 


OP    THE 


LIFE,  CHARACTER,  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


OP 


OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 


PREPARED  FOR  THE    INDIANAPOLIS  JOURNAL 

BY 

CHARLES   M.  WALKER. 
H 


INDIANAPOLIS: 
PUBLISHED  BY  THE   INDIANAPOLIS  JOURNAL. 

1878. 


E,  50k 


COPYRIGHT,  1877, 
BT  E.  B.  MAKTINDALB. 


RIVERSIDE,  CAMBRIDGE: 

•TEREOTTPED   AND   PRINTED   BT 

H  0.  HOUOHTON  AND  COMPANY. 


To 

THE  SURVIVING  SOLDIERS  OF  INDIANA, 

WHO  BY  THEIR  HEROISM  AND  SACRIFICES 

CONTRIBUTED  SO  LARGELY   TO  THE   FAME   OF  THE   STATE, 

AS  WELL  AS  TO  THE  PRESERVATION  OF  THE  UNION, 

AND  WHO  HONORED 

OLIVER  P.  MORTON, 

FOR  HIS  DISTINGUISHED  SERVICES  IN  THE  SAME  CAUSE, 
AND  LOVED  HIM   FOR  HIS   DEVOTION   TO    THEIR  INTERESTS, 

Cfjts  -S&etrfj  of  fyis  ILife  anfi  (JDfyararier 

IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED. 


M211164 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAOI 

ANCESTRY  AND  YOUTH 7 

CHAPTER  II. 
MORTON  AS  A  LAWYER 14 

CHAPTER  in. 
ENTRANCE  INTO  POLITICS 22 

CHAPTER  IV. 
A  MEMORABLE  SPEECH         .......    40 

CHAPTER  V. 
His  NOBLE  RESPONSE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT'S  CALL     •        .    49 

CHAPTER  VI. 
His  SERVICES  TO  NEIGHBORING  STATES      .        .        .        .66 

CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  SOLDIER'S  FRIEND 82 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
STATE  DEFENSE  AND  INTERNAL  STATE  TROUBLES     .        .    92 

CHAPTER  IX. 

OTHER  SERVICES  TO  THE  NATION,  THE  STATE,  AND  THE 

SOLDIERS         ......  .110 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X. 

PAGE 

REELECTION  AS  GOVERNOR.  —  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAB  .  120 

CHAPTER  XI. 
ELECTION  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE       .        .        .128 

CHAPTER  XII. 
His  SENATORIAL  CAREER 134 

CHAPTER  Xm. 
His  SENATORIAL  CAREER,  CONTINUED        ....    142 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
OTHER  PUBLIC  AND  POLITICAL  SERVICES          .        .        .    151 

CHAPTER  XV. 
CLOSING  SCENES.  —  FINAL  SICKNESS  AND  DEATH     .        .    161 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
SUMMARY  OF  HIS  CHARACTER    ....  ,    172 


LIFE    AND   SERVICES 
OP 

OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 


CHAPTER    I. 

ANCESTRY   AND    YOUTH. 

ON  the  4th  of  August,  1823,  there  was  born,  in  the 
little  village  of  Saulsbury,  Wayne  County,  Indiana,  a 
child  who  was  destined  to  act  a  very  conspicuous  part 
in  the  history  of  his  State  and  country,  and  whose  name 
is  now  familiar  as  household  words  throughout  the  land. 
This  was  Oliver  Perry  Morton.  At  that  time  Sauls- 
bury  was  the  county-seat  of  Wayne  County.  The 
village  has  long  since  disappeared,  and  at  this  time 
scarcely  a  trace  remains  of  it,  only  a  slight  irregularity 
in  the  surface  of  the  earth  indicating  the  former  site  of 
the  old  court-house.  Indiana  was  admitted  to  the 
Union  in  1816,  so  that  the  existence  of  the  State  an 
tedates  that  of  her  greatest  son  only  seven  years,  while 
a  large  portion  of  his  life,  briefly  recorded  in  these 
pages,  was  closely  identified  with  the  most  eventful 
passages  in  her  history.  No  other  man  has  ever  been 
BO  revered  or  honored  in  Indiana,  and  of  all  those  born 


8        L1*E  AND   SERVICES   GF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

within  her  borders  none  has  contributed  so  largely  to 
the  honor  and  renown  of  the  State  as  he  of  whom  we 
write.  It  is  fitting  that  the  record  of  such  a  life,  so 
full  of  inspiration  and  encouragement  for  the  young,  of 
edification  for  the  old,  and  of  interest  for  all,  should  be 
placed  within  easy  reach  of  every  citizen  of  the  State, 
so  that  not  only  may  his  memory  be  sacredly  preserved, 
but  others  be  stirred  to  emulate  his  virtues. 

Oliver  Perry  Morton  was  of  English  descent  on  his 
father's  side,  and  from  that  race  he  probably  drew  some 
of  the  most  marked  traits  of  his  character.  Steadiness 
of  purpose,  strong  convictions  and  devotion  to  the  right, 
are  commonly  supposed  to  be  especially  characteristic 
of  the  English  people,  and  Oliver  P.  Morton  had  all 
these  qualities  in  a  marked  degree.  His  grandfather 
emigrated  from  England  about  the  beginning  of  the 
llevolutionary  War,  and  settled  in  New  Jersey.  The 
family  name  was  originally  Throckmorton,  and  was  so 
written  by  the  grandfather.  It  is  not  known  just  when 
this  was  changed  to  Morton,  nor  why,  though  a  suffi 
cient  reason  would  be  found  in  the  fact  of  the  latter 
being  much  more  convenient.  But  the  first  syllable  of 
the  name  has  always  been  preserved  in  the  family  as  a 
middle  name.  Oliver  P.  Morton's  father's  middle 
name  was  Throck,  as  is  also  that  of  one  of  his  surviv 
ing  sons.  William  T.  Morton,  father  of  Oliver  P., 
was  a  native  of  New  Jersey  and  a  man  of  sterling 
worth.  It  is  not  known  that  he  possessed  any  brilliant 
tjualities,  but  he  was  a  man  of  sound  sense,  excellent 
judgment,  and  strict  integrity.  While  yet  a  young  man 


ANCESTRY   AND   YOUTH.  9 

he  emigrated  to  the  West,  and  after  a  short  sojourn  in 
Ohio,  finally  located  in  Wayne  County,  Indiana.  He 
married  his  first  wife,  a  Miss  Miller,  at  Spring  Dale, 
Ohio,  and  by  her  had  three  children.  His  second  wife 
was  a  sister  of  the  first.  Her  maiden  name  was  Sarah 
Miller,  and  this  was  the  mother  of  Oliver  P.  Morton. 
Her  ancestry  is  not  known,  but  that  she  must  have  been 
a  woman  of  amiable  disposition  and  rare  force  of  char 
acter  we  can  readily  believe  from  the  remarkable  com 
bination  of  gentleness  and  force,  of  tenderness  and 
strength  found  in  her  son.  Observation  confirms  the 
law  of  physiology  and  nature  that  weak-minded  women 
are  rarely  the  mothers  of  great  men.  The  same  evi 
dence  which  establishes  the  theory  of  hereditary  trans 
mission  of  intellect  also  proves  that  in  a  large  majority 
of  cases  men  who  achieve  greatness  inherit  their  ruling 
traits  from  the  mother.  Under  this  law  the  mother  of 
Oliver  P.  Morton,  though  perhaps  neither  educated  nor 
accomplished,  according  to  the  common  acceptation  of 
these  terms,  must  have  been  a  woman  of  very  high  and 
noble  qualities.  She  died  while  Oliver  was  quite 
young,  so  that  he  scarcely  ever  knew  what  it  was  to 
have  a  mother's  love  or  care.  The  family,  though  not 
wealthy,  were,  for  that  day,  in  moderate  and  comfort 
able  circumstances.  The  father  was  at  one  time  en 
gaged  in  the  building  of  the  old  Hamilton  and  Cincin 
nati  Canal,  but  his  contracts  proved  unsuccessful  and  he 
returned  to  his  trade,  which  was  that  of  a  shoemaker. 
iVhen  the  county-seat  was  changed  from  Saulsbury  to 
Centerville,  he  removed  his  shop  from  the  former  to  the 
latter  place  on  wheels. 


10      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

But  while  the  family  were  in  moderately  comfortable 
circumstances  for  that  day,  and  able  to  maintain  a 
respectable  position,  Oliver  had  none  of  the  adventi 
tious  aids  of  wealth  or  social  position  in  early  life. 
Perhaps  it  happens  as  often  as  not  that  these  are  a 
positive  detriment,  and  it  may  be  that  his  strong  and 
rugged  character  was  better  developed  for  the  lack  of 
such  enervating  aid  as  wealth  might  have  brought.  At 
all  events  one  of  the  grandest  lessons  to  be  drawn  from 
his  career  is  that  humble  birth  and  adverse  circum 
stances  are  no  bar  to  the  achievement  of  the  highest 
distinction  and  greatest  honors  under  our  benign  form 
of  government. 

Oliver  P.  Morton  was  named  after  Commodore 
Oliver  H.  Perry,  the  naval  hero.  The  battle  of  Lake 
Erie  had  been  fought  not  many  years  before,  and  the 
fact  of  his  bearing  this  honored  name  shows  that  his 
father  was  fully  imbued  with  the  patriotic  sentiments 
of  that  period.  Oliver's  full  name  was  Oliver  Hazard 
Perry  Morton,  but  the  second  title  was  thrown  aside 
just  as  the  first  syllable  of  the  family  surname  had 
previously  been  for  conveniency,  and  the  name  adopted 
as  now  well-known  to  fame.  Of  young  Morton's 
early  life  we  know  but  little.  After  the  death  of 
his  mother  much  of  his  time,  perhaps  most  of  his 
boyhood,  was  passed  with  his  grand-parents  in  Ohio 
and  with  two  widowed  aunts  in  Centerville.  In  later 
life  he  used  to  refer  with  reverence  and  affection  to 
the  pious  teachings  of  his  grand-parents.  His  aunts 
were  Presbyterians  of  the  strictest  kind,  and  the  early 


ANCESTRY   AND   YOUTH.  11 

impressions  received  from  them  gave  a  coloring  to  the 
convictions  of  his  whole  life.  His  father's  moderate 
circumstances  allowed  him  little  opportunity  for  early 
education,  and  it  is  not  known  that  at  this  period  of  his 
life  he  gave  any  evidence  of  future  greatness.  When 
about  fourteen  years  old  he  was  placed  by  his  aunts  in 
the  Wayne  County  Seminary.  Professor  S.  K.  Hos- 
hour,  who  was  principal  of  the  school  at  that  time, 
writes :  "  He  was  a  timid  and  rather  verdant-looking 
youth  ; "  and  adds,  "  His  mental  manifestations  at  that 
time  were  not  equal  to  those  of  some  of  his  school 
mates,  but  his  steady  demeanor  and  persistent  applica 
tion  to  his  studies  gave  him  a  respectable  position  in 

his  classes If  some  knowing  genius  had  then 

suggested  to  me  that  the  future  governor,  par  excel 
lence,  of  Indiana  was  then  in  the  group  around  me,  I 
should  probably  have  sought  him  in  a  more  bustling 
form,  with  brighter  eyes  and  a  more  marked  head,  than 
Oliver's."  But  the  race  is  not  always  to  the  swift. 
If  Oliver  was  not  the  most  showy  boy  in  his  class  he 
had  qualities  beneath  the  surface,  as  yet  undeveloped, 
which  were  destined  in  future  years  to  place  him  far 
above  his  fellows  and  cause  him  to  be  ranked  among 
the  great  men  of  his  time.  He  remained  at  this  school 
a  little  more  than  a  year  and  at  the  age  of  fifteen  was 
put  to  work  in  Centerville  with  his  elder  half-brother, 
William  T.  Morton,  to  learn  the  hatter's  trade.  It  was 
probably  the  expectation  of  his  friends  that  this  would 
oe  his  life  pursuit,  but  Providence  had  not  so  ordained. 
Even  at  that  early  age  he  felt  powers  and  possibilities 


12         LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

within  him  which  demanded  larger  expression  and 
fuller  development.  During  the  four  years  which  he 
devoted  to  learning  the  hatter's  trade  his  spare  hours 
were  spent  in  reading,  and  the  information  thus  acquired 
begot  so  great  a  thirst  for  knowledge  that  he  finally  quit 
his  trade  in  the  beginning  of  1843  and  entered  Miami 
University,  at  Oxford,  Ohio.  He  remained  at  college 
two  years,  his  vigorous  mind  eagerly  grasping  and  ap 
propriating  all  the  means  of  knowledge  within  his 
reach.  One  of  his  teachers  at  that  time  says  he  was  "  a 
diligent,  earnest  student ;  modest,  but  not  timid  ;  plain, 
but  not  verdant ;  and  more  anxious  to  acquire  knowledge 
than  to  display  it."  The  latter  clause  of  this  statement 
was  characteristic  of  him  through  life  ;  he  was  always 
more  anxious  to  understand  a  subject  than  to  advertise 
his  knowledge,  prizing  the  consciousness  of  power  far 
above  mere  display.  During  his  stay  at  the  institution 
above  named  he  achieved  the  reputation  of  being  the 
best  debater  in  college,  showing  that  those  powers  of 
analysis  and  argument  which  were  to  make  him  so 
celebrated  in  after  life  were  now  receiving  their  first 
development.  He  also  became  a  favorite  member  of 
the  Beta  Theta  Pi  Society,  a  college  organization 
whose  exclusiveness  is  sufficient  guarantee  of  the  social 
as  well  as  intellectual  status  of  its  members.  From  all 
this  we  infer  that  Morton  stood  well  at  college.  After 
two  years  of  study  and  hard  fare  (for  he  was  too  poor 
to  pay  for  any  board  except  what  he  could  provide  in 
his  own  room)  he  left  college  and  immediately  began 
the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Hon.  John  S.  Newman. 


ANCESTRY  AND   YOUTH.  1$ 

at  Center ville,  Indiana.  This  was  in  1845,  Morton 
being  then  nearly  twenty-two  years  old.  It  speaks 
well  for  him,  and  for  the  record  he  had  made  at  Cen- 
terville,  that  after  an  absence  of  some  years  he  should 
nave  chosen  to  return  there  where  he  had  passed  so 
large  a  portion  of  his  youth  and  begin  the  study  of 
law  among  the  friends  and  neighbors  who  had  known 
him  while  he  was  learning  the  hatter's  trade.  On  the 
15th  of  May,  1845,  he  married  Miss  Lucinda  M.  Bur- 
bank,  daughter  of  Isaac  Burbank  of  that  place.  The 
marriage  proved  a  very  happy  one,  and  the  gentle  lady 
with  whom  he  thus  became  united  exercised  a  most 
gracious  influence  over  his  subsequent  life  and  fortunes. 
The  period  of  boyhood  and  youth  being  thus  passed  he 
stands  upon  the  threshold  of  active  life  a  married  man, 
his  profession  chosen  but  not  yet  acquired,  with  a  fair 
though  not  thorough  education,  but  with  clear  head, 
stout  heart,  and  steady  purpose.  This  was  the  capital 
with  which  Oliver  Perry  Morton  started  in  life. 


CHAPTER  II. 

MORTON    AS    A    LAWYER. 

AT  this  period  of  his  life  it  is  not  probable  that  Mr. 
Morton  had  any  political  aspirations  or  indeed  any 
plans  beyond  acquiring  a  knowledge  of  law  and  taking 
a  proper  position  at  the  bar.  And  in  the  prosecution 
of  this  object  he  had  no  time  to  lose,  for  having  as 
sumed  the  responsibilities  of  married  life  it  behooved 
him  to  qualify  himself  as  soon  as  possible  to  earn  a 
livelihood.  But  he  was  not  a  man  who  ever  lost  time 
about  anything  he  undertook.  He  was  always  intensely 
in  earnest,  never  a  trifler,  never  wasting  time  nor  dally 
ing  with  duty.  Even  in  the  manner  of  his  marriage 
we  seem  to  discern  an  evidence  of  the  decision  with 
which  he  acted  in  all  matters  and  which  was  one  of  his 
ruling  characteristics.  Prudential  considerations  might 
have  suggested  the  postponement  of  this  event  until  he 
had  acquired  his  profession  and  been  admitted  to  the 
bar.  He  chose  to  take  the  important  step  at  once,  and 
rely  on  his  future  efforts  to  meet  the  responsibilities  it 
involved. 

To  the  study  of  law  Mr.  Morton  brought  the  same 
energy  of  purpose  and  conscientious  effort  which  had 
now  become  a  recognized  trait  of  his  character.  His 


MORTON  AS  A  LAWYER.  15 

two  years  of  college  experience,  while  they  had  not  by 
any  means  given  him  a  finished  education,  had  taught 
him  how  to  study,  and  he  grappled  with  the  intricacies 
of  the  law  like  one  who  both  intended  to  master  them 
and  was  conscious  of  his  ability  to  do  so.  Judge  New 
man,  his  preceptor,  says  he  was  laborious  in  his  studies, 
strictly  temperate  in  his  habits,  and  genial  in  his  man 
ners.  As  in  college  he  had  developed  solid  rather  than 
brilliant  qualities,  so  in  the  study  of  law  he  had  the  rep 
utation  of  being  a  close  and  thorough  student  rather 
than  a  showy  one.  His  preceptor  is  our  authority 
again  for  the  statement  that  "he  was  a  very  thorough 
reader  and  possessed  in  a  remarkable  degree  the  power 
of  thinking  at  all  times  and  in  every  place."  He  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  in  1847.  At  that  time  the  bar  of 
Wayne  and  adjacent  counties  embraced  a  number  of 
the  best  lawyers  in  the  State,  among  whom  might  be 
mentioned  John  S.  Newman,  Caleb  B.  Smith,  Samuel 
W.  Parker,  Jehu  T.  Elliott,  James  Rariden,  Charles 
H.  Test,  and  others  whose  names  are  still  well  remem 
bered  throughout  eastern  Indiana.  Thus,  at  the  very 
outset  of  his  career,  Mr.  Morton  found  himself  brought 
into  professional  contact  with  some  of  the  ablest  and 
most  cultivated  men  who  have  ever  graced  the  profes 
sion  in  Indiana.  It  was  a  good  school  for  a  young 
lawyer  and  well  calculated  to  put  him  to  his  best  efforts 
and  bring  out  all  there  was  in  him.  Though  he  did 
not  leap  at  once  to  fame,  as  indeed  few  lawyers  in  this 
or  any  other  country  have  ever  done,  his  success  was 
assured  from  the  beginning,  and  he  soon  came  to  be 


16         LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

recognized  as  one  of  the  soundest  lawyers  on  that  cir 
cuit. 

Surviving  members  of  the  bar  who  met  him  on  the 
circuit  speak  in  terms  of  high  respect  of  his  ability  and 
attainments  as  a  lawyer.  A  friend  who  knew  him  well 
at  that  time  says :  "  At  the  bar  he  soon  became  known 
all  over  eastern  Indiana,  and  friends  and  business  mul 
tiplied  rapidly  everywhere."  It  is  the  testimony  of  all 
who  knew  him  at  this  period  of  his  life,  members  of  the 
legal  profession  and  others,  that  he  possessed  a  remark 
able  faculty  of  grasping  the  salient  points  of  a  case 
and  getting  at  the  heart  of  a  legal  question.  He  was 
never  a  man  of  many  words,  but  what  he  said  went  to 
the  core  of  things.  His  mind  was  massive  and  logical. 
He  had,  in  a  remarkable  degree,  the  faculty  of  applying 
great  legal  principles  to  given  cases,  of  discarding  non- 
essentials  and  getting  at  decisive  points.  He  advanced 
steadily  in  the  practice,  and  soon  came  to  be  regarded 
as  a  rising  lawyer.  So  successful  was  he  that  in  five 
years  after  his  admission  to  the  bar  he  was  appointed 
by  the  Governor  circuit  judge  to  fill  an  existing  va 
cancy  on  the  bench.  Considering  the  circuit  and  the 
character  of  the  lawyers  who  then  practiced  there,  this 
was  a  high  distinction,  and  was  justly  regarded  as  a 
handsome  recognition  of  Mr.  Morton's  personal  and 
professional  merit.  At  this  time  he  was  only  twenty- 
nine  years  old.  He  filled  this  position  with  credit  to 
himself  and  with  entire  satisfaction  to  the  profession 
and  the  public.  During  the  summer  of  1852  he  ex- 
chano-ed  with  the  judge  of  the  Indianapolis  circuit  (the 


MORTON   AS   A   LAWYER.  17 

latter  having  been  counsel  in  some  of  the  cases  pend 
ing  in  his  court)  and  held  court  at  the  capital  of  the 
State  for  several  days,  strongly  impressing  the  bar  by 
his  mastery  of  legal  principles  and  by  the  clearness 
and  force  of  his  decisions. 

Some  of  Mr.  Morton's  unfriendly  critics  have  asserted 
that  he  was  not  a  good  lawyer.     This  assumption  is 
founded  either  in  prejudice  or  in  misinformation.     The 
rapidity  with  which  he^  advanced  to  a  successful  prac 
tice  in  a  circuit  which  embraced  some  of  the  best  law 
yers  in  the  State  would  be  a  sufficient  answer  to  this 
untruthful  criticism,  but  we  are  permitted  to  add  to  this 
the  uniform  testimony  of  all  those  surviving  members 
of  the  profession  who  remember  him  either  at  the  bar 
or  on  the  bench.     If  Mr.  Morton  had  not  been  a  great 
statesman  he  would  have  been  a  great  lawyer.     The 
memorial  unanimously  adopted  by  the  bar  of  Indian 
apolis  after  his  death,  drafted  by  a  committee  composed 
of  some  of  its  ablest  members,  said :   "  Having  chosen 
his  profession,  Senator  Morton's  place  in  it,  by  natural 
right,  was  the  front  rank,  and  without  a  struggle  he 
was  conspicuous  there  by  force  of  character,  generous 
stores  of  learning,  and  eminent  ability.    He  was  a  judge 
remarkable  for  the  wise,  speedy,  and  impartial  adminis 
tration  of  justice,  on  an  important  circuit,  at  an  age 
when  most  men   are  making  their  first  steps  in  profesr 
sional  life."     At  the    meeting  at  which  this  memorial 
was  adopted  Governor  Hendricks  said :  "  I  never  met 
Governor  Morton  in  court,  and  had  no  knowledge  of 
his  habits  in  the  management  of  causes.     I  have  heard 


18        LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

from  others,  however,  that  which  convinced  me  that  he 
was  very  able,  and  I  know  that  he  must  have  been  so, 
because  he  possessed  every  qualification  for  eminence 
in  our  profession."  One  who  had  met  him  on  the  cir 
cuit,  said :  "  His  great  characteristic  was  that  he  studied 
up  his  cases,  and  he  never  came  into  court  without  giv 
ing  evidence  of  careful  preparation.  He  was  an  im 
pressive  talker,  as  every  lawyer  will  testify I 

distinctly  remember  that  in  the  four  years  before  he 
was  called  into  the  service  of  the  State,  he  literally 
annihilated  everybody  connected  with  the  bar  of  Wayne 
County,  and  walked  rough-shod  over  all  the  other  law 
yers  of  the  circuit There  are  probably  few  men 

who  have  at  the  same  age  surpassed  him  in  ability  and 
success."  Another  gentleman,  an  eminent  member  of 
the  Indianapolis  bar,  said :  "  I  have  seen  Governor  Mor 
ton  at  the  bar  and  remember  the  talent  he  displayed  in 

the  conduct  of  an  important  cause He  was  a 

great  lawyer."  Another,  prominent  at  the  Indianapolis 
bar,  and  known  throughout  the  State,  writes :  "  I  saw 
him  (Mr,  Morton)  but  once  in  the  exercise  of  the  func 
tions  of  judge.  It  was  in  the  summer  of  1852,  in  the 

Marion  Circuit  Court His  decision  was  a  clear 

and  forcible  enunciation  of  the  law,  that  left  no  doubt 
in  the  minds  of  those  who  heard  it  of  its  correctness. 
His  manner  during  the  argument  and  in  rendering  his 
judgment  was  dignified,  judicial,  and  becoming  in  an 
eminent  degree."  The  Hon.  John  Caven,  present 
mayor  of  Indianapolis,  said:  *4 My  first  address  after  I 
commenced  the  practice  of  law  was  made  before  him  as 


MORTON   AS   A   LAWYER.  19 

presiding  judge,  and  I  remember  to  have  been  greatly 
impressed  at  the  time  with  the  ability  he  manifested  in 
summing  up  the  case."  Judge  Jacob  B.  Julian,  who 
knew  Mr.  Morton  almost  from  boyhood,  said :  "  With 
surprising  speed  he  mastered  the  elementary  principles 
of  the  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  Entering 
into  the  practice,  his  growth  as  a  lawyer  was  rapid,  and 
his  professional  success  assured.  ^1  practiced  in  the 
same  court  with  him  for  fifteen  years.  He  was  an  able 
associate,  and  a  formidable  competitor.  He  was  polite 
and  gentlemanly  in  his  intercourse  with  his  professional 
brethren, —  in  every  respect  he  was  a  high-toned,  honora 
ble  gentleman.  He  bid  fair  to  become  one  of  the  fore 
most  lawyers  of  the  United  States,  and  doubtless  would 
have  been  if  he  had  not  been  called  into  political  life." 
Evidence  might  be  multiplied  to  prove  Mr.  Morton's 
ability  as  a  lawyer,  but  the  foregoing  must  suffice.  It 
is  sufficient  answer  to  those  who  have,  either  in  igno 
rance  or  malice,  denied  the  fact. 

Mr.  Morton  served  as  judge  about  a  year,  but  the 
position  was  not  altogether  to  his  taste,  and  when  his 
term  expired  by  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution 
in  1852,  he  willingly  relinquished  the  judgeship  to  re 
sume  the  practice  of  law.  Being  naturally  of  a  con 
troversial  cast  of  mind,  he  preferred  the  bar  to  the 
bench  and  professional  combat  to  judicial  service. 
And  here  we  have  to  record  a  somewhat  singular  cir 
cumstance.  After  leaving  the  bench,  and  before  resum 
ing  the  active  practice  of  law,  Mr.  Morton  went  to  Cin 
cinnati  and  took  a  six  months'  course  in  the  law  school 


20        LIFE   AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

of  that  city.  Few  lawyers  would  have  done  this,  and, 
considering  his  previous  years  of  study  and  practice,  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  there  was  much  necessity  for 
it  in  his  case.  The  fact  that  he  did  so,  however,  was 
altogether  creditable  to  him  as  evincing  a  desire  to  cor 
rect  whatever  deficiencies  might  exist  in  his  early  edu 
cation  and  to  perfect  himself  in  the  law.  A  prominent 
member  of  the  Cincinnati  bar,  commenting  on  this  fact, 
says :  "  I  have  always  regarded  it  as  much  to  his  credit 
that  before  returning  to  legal  practice  he  took  this  term 
of  six  months  for  systematic  study."  This  was  in  keep 
ing  with  his  whole  character.  He  always  mastered 
whatever  he  undertook  and  was  not  a  man  to  be  de 
terred  by  false  pride  from  going  back  to  acquire  knowl 
edge  in  which  he  might  have  felt  or  imagined  himself 
to  be  deficient.  This  is  probably  the  only  case  on  rec 
ord  of  a  man  going  to  law  school  after  five  years  of 
practice  and  a  highly  creditable  service  on  the  bench. 
During  a  portion  of  this  time  he  had  for  a  room-mate 
Mr.  Murat  Halstead,  then  recently  from  college,  and 
now  editor  of  "  The  Cincinnati  Commercial."  This 
gentleman  has  kindly  furnished  some  personal  recollec 
tions  of  Mr.  Morton  at  this  period.  He  says :  "  I  was 
much  interested  in  Morton  at  the  time,  and  have  a 
very  clear  recollection  of  his  appearance  and  move 
ments.  It  is  possible  this  is  vivified  by  his  subsequent 
celebrity,  but  I  was  not  surprised  when  he  became  a 
distinguished  man.  I  remember  that  some  one  said 
tyEorton  wore  the  largest  hat  and  the  largest  boots  in 
the  house.  This  was  true  as  to  the  boots,  I  know. 


MORTON   AS  A  LAWYER.  21 

He  was  intently  studious,  and   exerted  himself  to  the 
utmost  to   remedy  the  deficiencies  of  his  early  educa 
tion.     Time  was  very  precious   to   him,  and   he   gave 
his  strength  to  the  work.     He  talked  and  walked  a  lit 
tle  in  his  sleep,  the  result  of   the  strain  on  his  mind. 
Physically  he  was   not  a   giant,  but  he  had  remarkable 
power.      He  was  not,  however,  as  tough  as  he  was  vig 
orous ;  his  muscles   were  formidable,  and  yet   he   had 
delicacy  of  organization.      His  smile  was  winning   and 
his  ways  persuasive.     He   had  the  amiabilities  that  be 
came  a  strong  man.     After   our  experience    as   room 
mates  we  did  not   meet  for  several   years,  and  I  have 
no  recollection  that  we  exchanged   letters,  but  I  heard 
of  him   through   others."     After   six   months    of   close 
study  he  returned  to  his  profession  and  devoted  him 
self  to  the  practice  with  an  assiduity  and  zeal  that  won 
new  success  and  adequate  reward.     This  was  the  pe 
riod  in  which  he  was  best  known  as  a  lawyer.     During 
the  next  few  years  he  laid  the  foundation  of  a  modest 
competence,  the  bulk  of  the  moderate  fortune  which  he 
left   behind    him   having    been    acquired   during  these 
years  of  hard  work.     Between  1852  and   1860  nearly 
all  of  his  time  and  energy  were  given  to  the  law,  with 
the  exception  of   some  digressions  into  politics   to  be 
noted  hereafter.     Events  were  now  shaping  themselves 
which  were  destined  to  change  the  whole  course  of  his 
life  and  in  a  most  remarkable  manner  develop  the  la 
tent  forces  of  his  character ;  but  before  treating  of  these 
events  in  detail  it  will  be  proper  to  speak  of  Mr.  Mor 
ton's  politics  and  of  the  condition  of  political  parties  at 
that  time. 


CHAPTER   TIL 

ENTRANCE    INTO    POLITICS. 

DURING  the  first  ten  years  of  his  adult  life  Mr.  Mor 
ton  was  a  Democrat.  The  early  traditions  of  that  party 
exercised  a  peculiar  power  over  the  minds  of  ambitious 
young  men,  and  the  public  conscience  was  not  yet  fully 
aroused  as  to  its  corrupt  and  dangerous  tendencies. 
Mr.  Morton  was  reared  to  believe  in  Democratic  doc 
trines,  and  when  he  became  a  voter  (1844)  slavery  was 
still  generally  regarded  as  a  sacred  institution,  upon  the 
protection  of  which  depended  the  perpetuity  of  the 
Union.  This  idea  had  been  so  long  inculcated  by  South 
ern  Democrats,  and  so  submissively  accepted  by  those 
of  the  North,  that  it  had  become  firmly  imbedded  in  the 
politics  of  the  country,  and  for  any  member  of  the 
party  to  question  its  justice  or  soundness  was  to  court 
political  excommunication.  The  dangerous  and  ag 
gressive  character  of  slavery,  asserting  itself  through 
the  Democratic  party,  was  but  just  beginning  to  be 
understood,  and  though  a  public  sentiment  was  form 
ing  which  was  destined  to  sweep  them  both  out  of  ex 
istence,  it  was  as  yet  unorganized  and  undefined.  It 
was  hardly  respectable  to  be  an  antislavery  man,  and 
the  term  abolitionist  was  a  badge  of  political  disgrace 


ENTRANCE   INTO   POLITICS.  23 

The  Democratic  party  had  controlled  the  general  gov 
ernment  with  but  little  interruption  since  the  beginning 
of  the  century,  and  was  never  more  autocratic  or  ap 
parently  more  powerful  than  during  the  administration 
of  James  K.  Polk  from  1844  to  1849.  If  it  contained 
the  seeds  of  dissolution  they  had  not  yet  begun  to  ger 
minate.  Mr.  Morton's  first  vote  was  cast  for  Polk,  and 
for  nearly  ten  years  after  that  he  continued  to  act  with 
the  Democracy,  but  to  his  honor  be  it  said  he  was  among 
the  first  to  discern  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  his 
party  and  to  rebel  against  the  haughty  dictation  of  the 
slave  power.  Without  tracing  the  course  of  events 
during  this  period,  it  is  enough  to  say  that  in  1854  the 
Democratic  party  repealed  the  Missouri  Compromise 
and  passed  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill.  This  crowning 
act  of  infamy  at  once  betrayed  the  whole  purpose  of 
the  slave  power,  and  opened  the  way  for  those  to  leave 
the  party  who  had  already  become  convinced  of  its 
faithlessness  and  treachery.  Among  this  number  was 
Oliver  P.  Morton.  Though  he  had  up  to  this  time 
been  a  Democrat  in  good  standing,  tolerating  slavery  as 
a  necessary  evil  and  as  belonging  to  the  traditional 
policy  of  his  party,  he  had  always  been  opposed  to  its 
extension.  Therefore  when  slavery  extension  was  made 
the  touchstone  of  party  fealty  he  was  not  slow  in  decid 
ing  what  course  to  pursue.  He  left  the  Democracy,  and 
from  that  time  forth  acted  with  the  friends  of  liberty 
and  progress,  who  subsequently  came  together  under 
the  name  of  the  Republican  party.  Mr.  Morton  has 
been  charged  with  being  a  self-seeking  politician.  Surely 


24        LIFE   AND   SERVICES    OF    OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

there  was  nothing  of  this  evinced  in  the  time  and  man 
ner  of  his  leaving  the  Democratic  party.  It  was  then 
in  the  full  flush  of  its  power,  and  to  all  appearances 
might  be  expected  to  control  the  government  for  many 
years  to  come.  Indiana  was  a  strong  Democratic  State. 
He  was  young,  able,  popular,  and  regarded  on  all  hands 
as  a  rising  man.  There  was  hardly  any  position  within 
the  gift  of  his  party  in  this  State  that  he  might  not 
reasonably  have  hoped  to  attain  in  a  very  short  time. 
Yet  he  chose  to  sacrifice  these  prospects  for  principle's 
sake,  and  to  identify  himself  with  a  movement  and  a 
party  which,  so  far  as  human  foresight  could  judge  at 
the  time,  had  no  earthly  hope  of  success.  Thus  the 
first  political  act  of  his  life  of  which  we  have  any  rec 
ord  was  based  upon  principle,  and  actuated  by  convic 
tion.  For  many  years  after  this  his  former  political 
associates  were  accustomed  to  charge  him  with  incon 
sistency  and  a  betrayal  of  his  party  because  he  failed 
to  support  its  policy  on  the  slavery  question.  It  needs 
no  argument  now  to  refute  this  charge.  The  policy  of 
the  party  in  this  regard  was  such  that  no  Northern 
Democrat  of  principle  or  with  a  proper  sense  of  man 
hood  could  indorse  it.  Mr.  Morton  was  among  the 
earliest  in  Indiana  to  repudiate  it.  His  moral  sense 
revolted  against  lending  his  influence  or-  vote  to  the 
extension  of  slavery,  while  his  manhood  rebelled  against 
the  servile  submission  to  Southern  dictation.  In  this 
situation  he  could  do  nothing  but  leave  the  party,  and 
could  go  nowhere  except  into  the  new  Republican  or 
ganization.  At  this  time  the  central  idea  of  the  Re  pub- 


ENTRANCE  INTO   POLITICS.  25 

lican  party  was  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery. 
It  was  a  party  of  resistance  rather  than  of  aggression. 
It  did  not  advocate  the  abolition  of  slavery,  although 
many  individual  members  of  the  party  were  abolition 
ists.  Several  years  elapsed  before  this  policy  came  to 
be  recognized  as  a  political  duty  and  part  of  the  inevi 
table.  Even  as  late  as  March,  1860,  in  a  speech  de 
livered  at  Terre  Haute,  Mr.  Morton  said  :  "  I  see  that 
several  of  the  Democratic  newspapers  have  revived 
against  me  the  cheap  and  worn-out  allegation  that  I 

am  an   abolitionist If  the  persons  making  this 

charge  know  me  to  be  an  abolitionist  they  can  undoubt 
edly  state  some  political  act  or  declaration  of  opinion 
on  my  part  in  proof.  If  they  were  asked  what  consti 
tutes  an  abolitionist  they  could  answer,  if  they  have 
any  clear  ideas  on  the  subject,  that  he  is  one  who  is  in 
favor  of  abolishing  slavery  where  it  now  exists,  and 
who  claims  that  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  the  State  in 
which  he  lives,  or  of  the  general  government,  to  per 
form  the  act.  I  am  opposed  to  the  diffusion  of  slavery. 
iam  in  favor  of  preserving  the  Territories  to  freedom, 
of  encouraging,  elevating,  arid  protecting  free  labor,  at 
the  same  time  conscientiously  believing  that  with  slav 
ery  in  the  several  States  we  have  nothing  to  do  and  no 
right  to  interfere.  If  this  makes  an  abolitionist  then 
I  am  one,  and  my  political  enemies  may  make  the  most 
of  it.  The  vague  and  senseless  epithet  has  lost  its 
terrors.  A  long,  indiscriminate  application  of  it  by 
Democratic  politicians  to  all  who  oppose  them  has 
stripped  it  of  all  title  to  consideration  whatever."  Thus, 


26        UFE  AND   SERVICES  OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

even  as  late  as  1860,  a  leading  Republican  like  Mr. 
Morton  was  rather  restive  under  the  epithet  of  aboli 
tionist.  The  fact  is  that  opposition  to  the  extension 
of  slavery,  not  abolition  of  it,  was  the  central  idea  of 
the  Republican  party  during  the  early  years  of  its  ex 
istence.  The  Democratic  party,  under  Providence, 
made  the  abolition  of  slavery  necessary  and  possible. 
But  we  are  somewhat  anticipating  the  course  of  this 
narrative. 

Having  made  public  avowal  of  his  withdrawal  from 
the  Democracy,  Mr.  Morton  soon  became  known  as 
one  of  the  most  earnest  advocates  of  a  new  party  to 
embody  the  growing  sentiment  against  the  aggressions 
of  the  slave  power.  From  1854  to  1856  politics  were 
in  a  curiously  confused  state.  The  Democratic  party 
was  undergoing  a  process  of  disintegration,  while  the 
Republican  party  was  not  yet  formed.  Thousands  of 
men  who  had  hitherto  acted  with  the  Democracy  were 
unwilling  to  do  so  any  longer,  but  were  not  yet  quite 
ready  to  enlist  under  a  new  name  and  banner.  Cau 
tious  men  hesitated  and  timid  men  feared  to  make  ^, 
complete  transfer  of  their  political  allegiance  from  an 
old  and  powerful  organization  to  a  new  and  untried  one. 
Yet  great  principles  and  mighty  motives  were  at  work 
which  were  destined  to  triumph  in  the  end.  During 
these  years  of  political  uncertainty,  marking  one  of  the 
most  interesting  transitional  periods  in  our  history, 
Oliver  P.  Morton  stood  firm  and  unmoved,  a  tower  of 
strength  to  those  who  rallied  around  him,  and  a  recog 
nized  leader  of  the  future.  He  was  a  Republican  in 


ENTRANCE   INTO   POLITICS.  27 

principle  before  the  name  was  adopted,  and  was  one  of 
the  god-fathers  at  the  birth  of  the  party.  In  1856  he 
was  one  of  three  delegates  sent  from  Indiana  to  the 
Pittsburg  convention.  From  this  convention  the  Re 
publican  party  dates  the  beginning  of  its  political  exist 
ence.  It  was  held  on  the  22d  of  February,  and  was 
attended  by  leading  Republicans  from  nearly  all  the 
Northern  States,  the  object  being  to  take  steps  towards 
a  party  organization.  Its  deliberations  were  interesting 
and  important  and  were  actively  participated  in  by  Mr. 
Morton,  who  was  already  recognized  as  one  of  the 
rising  men  of  the  new  party.  The  convention  made 
no  nominations,  but  it  led  the  way  for  the  one  at  Phila 
delphia,  held  in  June,  1856,  which  nominated  John  C. 
Fremont  for  president. 

May  1,  1856,  the  Republicans  of  Indiana  met  in  con 
vention  at  Indianapolis  to  nominate  candidates  for_  state 
officers.  We  call  it  the  Republican  party  now,  though 
that  name  had  not  then  been  adopted.  At  that  time  it 
was  called  the  People's  party,  and  according  to  the  call 
for  the  convention  it  embraced  all  who  were  opposed 
to  the  extension  of  slavery  and  in  favor  of  establishing 
freedom  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  without 
regard  to  previous  party  affiliations.  The  new  party 
drew  very  largely  from  the  better  elements  of  society, 
and  embraced  nearly  all  of  the  friends  of  genuine  lib 
erty  and  progress  of  that  day.  There  was  abundant 
reason  for  opposing  the  Democracy  aside  from  the  slav 
ery  question,  and  all  the  opponents  of  that  party  found 
«,  natural  abiding  place  in  the  new  organization  which 


28        LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

entered  the  field  so  full  of  patriotic  promise  and  hope. 
But  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  was  the  great 
underlying  principle  on  which  the  People's  party  rested, 
the  unifying  motive  which  held  it  together.  The  con 
vention  was  large  and  earnest.  The  Hon.  Henry  S. 
Lane,  then  as  now  honored  by  the  Republicans  of  In 
diana,  was  president,  and  inspired  the  body  with  his 
lofty  enthusiasm.  The  new  party  was  on  trial,  and 
every  consideration  required  that  it  should  nominate  a 
strong  ticket.  When  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  was 
reached  a  delegate  moved  that  Oliver  P.  Morton  be 
nominated  by  acclamation  for  governor.  The  report  in 
the  "Journal  "  of  the  next  day  says:  "  The  motion  was 
received  and  carried  amid  deafening  and  long  continued 
cheers."  In  a  brief  address  accepting  the  nomination, 
Mr.  Morton  defined  his  position  on  the  public  questions 
of  thje  day,  avowed  his  unalterable  opposition  to  the  ex 
tension  of  slavery,  denounced  the  outrage  of  attempting 
to  force  the  institution  upon  Kansas,  and  declared  his 
intention  of  meeting  his  opponent  before  the  people 
and  upholding  these  principles  in  every  part  of  Indiana. 
The  "  Journal  "  of  the  next  day,  referring  to  the  party's 
candidate  for  governor,  said :  "  In  all  that  goes  to  make 
sound  reasoner,  a  well-informed  politician,  a  prudent 
statesman,  an  efficient  executive,  a  trustworthy  man,  he 
is  the  full  equal  of  a  score  of  his  opponent,  and  we 
appraise  his  opponent  above  his  value  in  placing  him  so 
high."  Mr.  Morton  accepted  this  nomination  with  a  full 
consciousness  that  there  was  little  or  no  chance  of  his 
election,  and  that  he  was  expected  to  make  a  thorough 


ENTRANCE  INTO   POLITICS.  29 

canvass  of  the  State.  It  would  involve  several  months' 
neglect  of  professional  business,  and  considerable  ex 
pense.  He  could  not  well  afford  either,  but  he  had 
embarked  in  the  new  movement  and  his  heart  was  in 
the  cause.  His  opponent  in  the  contest  was  Ashbel  P. 
Willard,  a  very  able  man  and  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
speakers  of  his  day.  He  represented  an  old,  compact, 
powerful  political  organization,  strengthened  by  the 
prestige  of  time  and  past  successes,  while  Mr.  Morton 
appeared  as  the  champion  of  a  new  party,  compara 
tively  weak  in  numbers  and  organization,  but  strong  in 
the  consciousness  of  right  principles.  Willard  was  a 
sort  of  party  pet,  a  fluent  speaker,  ready  in  debate, 
widely  known  throughout  the  State,  and  with  an  es 
tablished  reputation  as  an  orator.  Morton  was  at  that 
time  comparatively  unknown  to  the  people  of  the  State 
at  large,  and  had  his  reputation  as  a  political  speaker 
to  make.  An  arrangement  for  a  joint  canvass  between 
the  two  candidates  was  gladly  entered  into  by  the 
Democrats,  who  thought  their  eloquent  champion  would 
easily  dispose  of  his  comparatively  unknown  antagonist. 
They  were  soon  undeceived  and  the  people  of  the  State 
enlightened  as  to  the  character  of  the  new  Republican 
leader. 

The  canvass  had  not  progressed  far  before  he  showed 
himself  to  be  greatly  the  superior  of  Governor  Willard 
in  political  information,  force  of  argument,  and  all  the 
essential  elements  of  political  oratory.  Besides  his 
joint  canvass  Mr.  Morton  filled  a  large  number  of 
separate  appointments,  making  a  thorough  canvass  of 


30         LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

the  entire  State.  Appearing  then,  for  the  first  time, 
before  the  people  at  large,  wherever  he  went  he  made 
a  deep  and  lasting  impression.  His  manner  was  dig 
nified  and  his  style  of  speaking  earnest,  forcible,  and 
convincing.  He  never  appealed  to  men's  passions,  but 
always  to  their  intellect  and  reason,  and  whether  in 
attack  or  defense  he  proved  himself  a  ready  and  power 
ful  debater.  From  this  campaign  of  1856,  unsuccess 
ful  though  it  was,  dated  Mr.  Morton's  popularity  with 
Republicans.  From  that  time  forward  he  was  the  rec 
ognized  leader  of  the  party  in  Indiana.  The  campaign 
ended,  as  he  probably  expected  it  would,  in  his  defeat, 
but  the  foundations  of  the  Republican  party  had  been 
laid  broad  and  deep  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and 
Mr.  Morton  himself  had  established  a  reputation  for 
ability  and  courtesy  in  debate  and  for  statesmanlike 
grasp  of  public  questions  which  the  whole  subsequent 
course  of  his  life  strengthened  and  confirmed.  As  he 
had  not  sought  the  nomination  for  governor,  so  he  ac 
cepted  defeat  gracefully  and  probably  with  less  regret 
since  he  had  the  consciousness  of  having  done  his  en 
tire  duty  by  the  party  which  had  nominated  him  and 
by  the  principles  he  represented.  At  that  time  the  Re 
publicans  of  Indiana  considered  his  defeat  as  a  great 
misfortune,  but  ill  the  light  of  subsequent  history  it 
cannot  be  so  regarded.  "  There  is  a  divinity  which 
shapes  our  ends."  If  he  had  been  elected  governor 
in  1856  in  all  human  probability  he  would  not  have 
succeeded  to  the  position  in  1860,  and  thus  his  splendid 
record  as  the  great  "War  Governor"  would  have  been 


ENTRANCE  INTO   POLITICS.  31 

lost,  the  whole  course  of  his  life  changed,  and  the  na 
tion  as  well  as  the  State  have  been  greatly  the  loser. 
Viewing  the  situation  from  our  present  stand-point  it 
seems  altogether  probable  that  this  would  have  been 
the  case  if  Mr.  Morton  had  been  elected  governor  of 
Indiana  in  1856.  But  he  was  defeated  and  reserved 
for  another  destiny.  Thus  Providence,  which  sees  the 
end  from  the  beginning,  and  which  moulds  great  in 
struments  for  great  emergencies,  overrules  the  best  laid 
plans  of  men  and  converts  apparent  defeats  of  the  right 
into  ultimate  victories. 

After  the  unsuccessful  campaign  of  185 6  Mr.  Morton 
resumed  the  practice  of  law  with  a  zeal  sharpened  by 
absence  from  the  profession  and  with  powers  certainly 
not  weakened  by  his  excursion  into  politics.  For 
the  next  four  years  most  of  his  time  was  devoted  to 
the  law,  though  his  prominent  identification  with  the 
Republican  party  did  not  admit  of  his  wholly  ignor 
ing  politics.  During  this  period  he  sought  no  honors 
from  the  party,  although  as  opportunity  offered  he  la 
bored  energetically  for  its  success.  His  advice  was  con 
stantly  sought  after  in  party  affairs,  and  he  had  already 
come  to  be  recognized  as  by  far  the  best  political  or 
ganizer  and  director  in  the  State.  The  Republican 
party  grew  very  rapidly  between  185G  and  1860.  The 
insolence  and  corruption  of  the  Democracy,  with  their 
degrading  subservience  to  the  slave  power,  hastened 
the  cours3  of  events  and  contributed  immensely  to  the 
growth  of  a  sentiment  which  was  destined  to  sweep 
them  from  power  and  change  the  course  of  national 


32         LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

history.  Thus,  in  1860,  the  Republican  party  stood  be- 
before  the  country  with  a  complete  organization,  strong 
in  the  consciousness  of  a  just  cause,  and  prepared  to 
dispute  the  field  with  the  Democracy  in  every  Northern 
State  with  fair  prospects  of  success.  In  this  year  the 
Republicans  of  Indiana  again  demanded  the  services  of 
Mr.  Morton,  nominating  him  for  lieutenant-governor 
with  Hon.  Henry  S.  Lane  for  governor.  The  age  and 
prestige  of  the  latter  were  justly  thought  to  entitle 
him  to  this  honor,  while  at  the  same  time  there  was  a 
distinct  understanding  that  if  the  party  was  successful 
Mr.  Lane  should  go  to  the  United  States  Senate  and 
Mr.  Morton  become  governor.  Again,  as  in  1856,  the 
latter  threw  aside  private  and  professional  business  at 
the  call  of  the  party  which  he  honestly  believed  rep 
resented  the  salvation  of  the  country  and  prepared 
for  another  thorough  canvass  of  the  State.  His  splen 
did  physical  health  at  that  time,  his  tireless  energy  and 
devotion  to  the  cause,  pointed  to  him  as  the  principal 
worker  in  the  campaign,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  record 
that  he  did  more  work  than  any  other  person  on  the 
ticket.  This  time  he  was  no  stranger  to  the  people. 
His  services  to  the  party  had  been  matter  of  common 
remark  during  ,the  last  four  years,  and  wherever  he 
went  he  was  greeted  with  enthusiasm.  The  campaign 
lasted  four  months,  and  he  spoke  in  every  part  of  the 
State,  showing  the  same  intuitive  insight  into  politics 
and  the  same  comprehensive  grasp  of  public  questions 
that  had  so  impressed  the  people  in  1856.  At  this 
time  he  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  thirty-seven  years  old. 


ENTRANCE   INTO   POLITICS.  33 

ill  perfect    health,  full  of    energy   and  vigor,   with   a 
sound  mind  in  a  sound  body,  the  very  picture  of  well 
developed  manhood.      Commencing  at  Terre  Haute  he 
traversed  the  entire  State,  part  of  the  time  in  company 
with    his    Democratic   competitor,    David    Turpie,  and 
part  of  the  time  alone.      His  meetings  were  very  large 
and  his  labors  were  as  effective  as  they  were  arduous. 
His    first  speech  in   this  campaign,  delivered  at  Terre 
Haute,  March    18,    1860,  was    a   masterly   presentation 
of  the  political  issues  of  the   day  and  a  complete  sum 
ming  up   of  the   doctrines  of  the   Republican   party  at 
that  time.     He  began  by  exposing  the  fallacy  of  "  Pop 
ular    Sovereignty,"  a   Democratic    catchword    invented 
by  Stephen  A.  Douglas   to  cheat   the  people  with,  and 
he    proved    most  conclusively  that  Congress   and  Con 
gress  alone  had  constitutional  power  to  make  all  needful 
rules  and  regulations  for  the  Territories.    .  He  then  took 
ip  the  charge  that  the  Republican  party  was  a  sectional 
party  and  showed  that  so  far  from   this   being  the  case 
it  was   the  only  truly  national   party,  since   it  was  or 
ganized  in  the  interests  of  freedom  and  of  the  welfare 
of  the  whole  country.     He  showed  that  instead  of  be 
ing  a  radical  party  it  was  the  real  conservative  party  of 
the  nation.     After  defining   the  true  standard   of  con 
servatism    he    said  :  "  Measured    by  this   standard   the 
Democratic  party  will  be  found  to  be  '  radical,  revolu 
tionary,    and     subversive.'       Departing    from    its    own 
creed,  revolutionizing  a  long  course  of  judicial  decis 
ions,   and   subverting   the   practice  of  the   government 
from  the  time  of  its   creation,  it  has  erected  into   an 


34         LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

article  of  faith  the  new,  dangerous,  and  portentous 
dogma  that  the  Constitution  by  its  own  inherent  power 
establishes  slavery  in  all  the  Territories,  and  that  there 
is  no  power  in  Congress  nor  in  the  people  of  the  Ter 
ritories  —  or,  to  use  the  language  of  Mr.  Buchanan  in 
his  late  message,  that  '  there  is  no  human  power' —  that 
can  exclude  it  therefrom."  He  traced  the  history  of 
the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  and  showed  where 
the  responsibility  rested  for  the  growing  hostility  in 
the  North  against  the  institution.  The  policy  of  the 
Democratic  party  was  shown  to  be  tending  towards 
disunion,  while  that  of  the  Republican  was  in  favor  of 
national  integrity  and  progress.  Contrasting  the  two 
parties  he  said  :  — 

"  TLe  Democratic  party  found  the  country  at  peace,  and 
has  left  it  stained  with  blood  and  torn  with  civil  dissensions. 
It  reopened  the  slavery  question  in  a  form  most  offensive, 
and  under  circumstances  most  aggravating  to  the  anti- 
slavery  sentiment  of  the  North.  It  was  the  deliberate 
breach  of  a  time-honored  compromise  which  had  had  its 
origin  in  the  most  critical  period  of  our  political  history, 
and  had  given  peace  to  the  nation.  History  will  pronounce 
judgment  on  this  repeal  as  a  wanton  and  wicked  act,  with 
out  a  circumstance  to  palliate  or  excuse  its  perpetration,  and 
as  having  its  origin  in  the  political  necessities  and  reckless 
ambition  of  partisans.  The  object  to  be  gained  was  the 
united  favor  of  the  South,  and  the  means  of  obtaining  it  an 
extravagant  and  reckless  devotion  to  her  supposed  inter 
ests." 

Of  the  Republican  party,  then  advancing  so  grandly 
to  victory,  he  said  :  — 


ENTRANCE   INTO   POLITICS.  35 

"  It  is  a  matter  of  proud  congratulation  that  there  is  not 
one  disunionist  within  the  pale  of  the  Republican  party. 
There  is  no  part  of  the  Republican  platform  upon  which  a 
disunionist  can  stand  ....  We  do  not  say  that  the  Union 
may  be  preserved  upon  certain  conditions;  we  do  not  meas 
ure  our  fidelity  to  it  by  our  success;  but  we  say  '  it  must 
and  shall  be  preserved,'  whatever  party  may  be  in  the  as 
cendant.  We  do  not  say  the  Republican  party  first  and  the 
Union  afterwards;  but  we  say  the  Union  first,  last,  and  all 
the  time,  and  that  we  will  wage  uncompromising  warfare 
upon  all  parties  that  contemplate  its  destruction  under  any 
circumstances." 

The  speech  was  logical  and  argumentative  and  was 
at  once  a  powerful  arraignment  of  the  Democracy  and 
a  triumphant  defense  of  Republican  principles.  As  in 
1856  Mr.  Morton  had  shown  himself  more  than  a 
match  in  debate  for  Governor  Willard,  so  in  this  can 
vass  he  easily  handled  his  Democratic  competitor  wher 
ever  they  met  in  joint  discussion.  In  a  speech  deliv 
ered  at  Fort  Wayne  before  a  large  audience,  he  made 
the  following  strong  argument  against  the  Democratic 
doctrine  of  that  day  that  the  Constitution  carried 
slavery  into  the  Territories  :  — 

"  The  fundamental  principles  underlying  the  Republican 
doctrine,  the  faith  of  the  fathers,  and  the  practice  of  the 
government  for  more  than  half  a  century,  all  go  to  show 
that  slavery  is  local  and  municipal;  that  it  can  only  exist  by 
virtue  of  positive  law  ;  that  before  it  can  exist  in  any  State, 
Territory,  or  community  there  must  be  a  law  enacted  author 
izing  and  creating  it.  In  other  words,  that  there  is  no  gen 
eral  principle  of  law  enabling  one  man  to  hold  another  as  a 
slave.  The  law  of  nations  which  recognizes  the  ri^ht  of 

O  O 

men  everywhere  to  hold  property  in  lands,  in  horses  and  in 


36         LIFE   AND    SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

cattle,  in  gold  and  in  silver,  and  in  every  species  of  inani 
mate  goods,  does  not  recognize  the  right  of  man  to  hold 
property  in  his  fellow  man.  The  common  law  which  our 
ancestors  brought  with  them  to  this  country,  and  which 
forms  the  basis  of  the  law  of  every  State  in  the  Union,  save 
one,  recognizes  the  right  of  men  to  hold  property  in  all 
these  things,  but  does  not  admit  the  right  of  man  to  hold 
property  in  man.  There  being  then  no  general  principle  of 
law  by  which  a  slave  can  be  held  as  property,  it  follows  that 
the  Territories  are  free  because  of  the  absence  in  them  of 
any  laAv  authorizing  slavery;  and  hence,  before  you  can  hold 
a  slave  in  a  Territory,  there  must  be  a  law  made  for  that 
purpose.  The  question  then  is,  What  power  or  tribunal  can 
legislate  for  the  Territories  upon  the  subject  of  slavery? 
The  Territories  are  the  property  of  the  general  government, 
and  the  right  to  acquire  them  will  not  be  disputed.  If  the 
government  can  acquire,  can  it  not  govern  that  which  it 
acquires?  Would  the  right  to  acquire,  without  the  power 
to  govern  the  thing  acquired,  be  of  any  value?  The  right 
to  govern  is,  therefore,  an  incident  of  the  right  to  acquire. 
The  Territories  belong  to  all  the  people  of  the  United  States 
and  not  to  any  particular  part  of  them.  They  belong  to 
them  in  their  corporate,  national,  and  governmental  capacity. 
This  being  the  case,  how  shall  the  people,  the  nation,  ex 
press  themselves  or  make  manifest  their  wishes  respecting 
their  property,  these  Territories, except  through  Congress?  " 

This  is  close  argument.  With  our  present  light  it 
may  sound  rather  antiquated,  but  this  was  seventeen 
years  ago  and  we  have  made  great  progress  since  then. 
At  that  time  a  great  and  dominant  party  was  straining 
every  nerve  to  make  slavery  national,  and  among  other 
dogmas  which  it  had  invented  for  this  purpose  was  that 
the  Constitution  by  its  own  force  carried  slavery  into 


ENTRANCE   INTO   POLITICS.  37 

the  Territories.  This  was  one  of  the  protean  forms  of 
Democratic  error  which  the  Republican  party  of  that 
day  had  to  combat.  As  a  sample  of  Mr.  Morton's  di 
rect  and  forcible  style  of  argument  we  will  make  one 
more  extract  from  this  Fort  Wayne  speech  :  — 

"  We  believe  that  slavery  is  a  moral,  social,  and  political 
evil;  that  it  is  a  curse  to  any  people,  a  foe  to  progress,  the 
enemy  of  education  and  intelligence,  and  an  element  of  so 
cial  and  political  weakness.  For  these  reasons  we  are  op 
posed  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery.  But  there  are 
other  considerations  of  a  more  personal  and  selfish  charac 
ter.  If  Ave  do  not  exclude  slavery  from  the  Territories,  it 
will  exclude  us.  Free  labor  will  not  go  to  any  considerable 
extent  where  slave  labor  exists,  because  it  is  degraded 
and  dishonored  by  the  association.  Hence,  while  there  are 
thousands  that  come  to  Indiana,  Ohio,  and  other  free  States 
from  Kentucky,  Virginia,  and  other  slave  States,  there  is 
hardly  one  for  a  thousand  who  goes  hence  to  the  slave 
States.  Sometimes  a  Yankee  tin  peddler  will  marry  a  rich 
Southern  widow  with  negroes,  or  a  briefless  lawyer  from  the 
North  a  wealthy  Southern  heiress,  and  straightway  he  be 
comes  the  most  bitter  and  malignant  of  proslavery  parti 
sans.  But  the  fact  is  that  the  great  body  of  emigration  is 
from  the  slave  to  the  free  States.  The  introduction  of 
slavery  into  a  Territory  prevents  you  and  your  children  from 
going  there  as  effectually  as  would  a  legislative  act.  It 
erects  a  barrier  to  your  emigration  which  you  will  never  sur 
mount.  If  you  would,  therefore,  preserve  these  Territories 
as  an  inheritance  to  you  and  your  children,  to  which  you 
and  they  may  retire  when  society  here  becomes  too  crowded, 
or  the  pressure  of  circumstances  make  a  removal  necessary, 
you  must  preserve  them  free.  Free  labor  and  slave  labor 
will  not  flourish  in  the  same  bed.  You  cannot  graft  the  one 
upon  the  stalk  of  the  other.  Where  slave  labor  strikes  its 


d8         LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER    P.    MORTON. 

roots  deep  into  the  soil  of  a  Territory,  free  labor  will  not 
grow  but  perish  at  the  threshold.  But  it  is  said  that  the 
slave-holder  has  just  as  good  a  right  to  take  his  slaves  to 
the  Territory  as  you  have  to  take  your  horses  there  from  the 
State  of  Indiana,  and  that  if  he  is  prohibited  from  so  doing 
it  creates  inequality.  Let  us  consider  this  proposition  a 
moment.  Cannot  the  slave-holder  go  from  Kentucky  to 
Kansas  and  take  with  him  every  species  of  property  which 
you  can  take  from  Indiana?  And  may  he  not  pursue  when 
he  gets  there,  every  avocation  that  you  could,  going  from 
Indiana  ?  If  so  then  you  and  he  are  on  a  perfect  equality. 
But  if  he  takes  slaves  he  then  takes  what  you  cannot,  and 
this  creates  inequality.  Not  only  so;  he  takes  what  partic 
ularly  excludes  you  from  the  Territory,  and  thus  creates  the 
grossest  inequality.  The  truth  is,  there  is  no  equality 
where  there  is  not  freedom,  and  slavery  engenders  inequal 
ity  both  socially  and  politically." 

The  speech  from  which  we  have  quoted  was  regarded 
at  the  time  as  a  very  able  one.  Besides  the  line  of 
argument  indicated  above,  it  treated  of  the  doctrine  of 
non-intervention,  of  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  of  Ste 
phen  A.  Douglas's  tergiversations,  of  state  issues,  and, 
in  short,  covered  the  whole  ground  of  an  effective  cam 
paign  speech.  It  was  reported  phonographically  and 
published  not  only  by  the  Republican  papers  of  Indiana 
but  by  those  of  many  other  States,  showing  that  Mr. 
Morton  was  already  regarded  as  a  leading  expounder 
of  Republican  principles.  Such  speeches  as  this,  de 
livered  in  nearly  every  county  of  the  State,  had  their 
effect.  There  were  other  workers  in  the  good  cause 
besides  Mr.  Morton,  but  perhaps  not  another  one  so 
earnest  or  effective.  The  election  resulted  in  the 


ENTRANCE  INTO  POLITICS.  39 

success  of  the  whole  Republican  ticket  by  about  10,000 
majority.  A  month  later  occurred  the  Presidential 
election,  the  Republicans  carrying  every  Northern  State 
and  electing  Abraham  Lincoln  by  a  decided  majority 
of  the  electoral  college.  Immediately  upon  the  con 
vening  of  the  Legislature  Governor  Henry  C.  Lane 
was  elected  by  the  Republicans  United  States  Senator, 
and  on  the  16th  of  January,  1861,  Oliver  P.  Morton 
became  Governor  of  Indiana.  This  office  had  in  store 
for  him  such  labors  and  responsibilities  as  rarely  fall  to 
the  lot  of  any  man,  and,  it  may  be  added,  was  destined 
to  bring  him  a  corresponding  amount  of  honorable 
fame.  But  before  noticing  in  detail  his  great  services 
to  the  State  and  nation  in  this  capacity,  it  will  be  neces 
sary  to  recapitulate  some  of  the  events  which  preceded 
and  accompanied  his  accession  to  the  office,  and  glance 
at  the  political  situation  of  that  period. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

A    MEMORABLE    SPEECH. 

*  HERETOFORE,  as  we  have  seen,  Governor  Morton's 
pursuits  had  been  entirely  of  a  peaceful  character, 
mainly  professional.  He  had  established  the  reputation 
of  a  rising  man  at  the  bar  and  in  politics,  but  as  yet  he 
had  not  developed  any  special  aptitude  for  public  affairs, 
or  given  any  indication  of  the  remarkable  executive 
ability  which  was  to  stamp  him  as  one  of  the  great 
men  of  the  age.  It  has  been  said  that  great  emergen 
cies  make  great  men.  This  is  not  strictly  true.  They 
may  and  often  do  call  forth  the  greatness  that  is  in 
men,  but  they  cannot  make  great  men  out  of  small  ones 
nor  create  that  which  did  not  exist  before.  The  only 
sense  in  which  opportunities  make  men  is  in  furnish 
ing  an  occasion  for  the  development  or  use  of  latent 
powers.  It  is  possible  that  but  for  the  war  Oliver  P. 
Morton's  greatness  of  character  might  never  have  been 
so  fully  and  grandly  developed  as  it  was  ;  but  even 
without  that  he  would  have  shone  as  a  statesman  and 
left  a  lasting  impress  on  the  history  of  the  country. 

The  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as  president  was 
a  turning  point  in  our  history  as  a  nation.  The  steady 
aggression  of  the  slave  power  had  culminated  in  the 


A   MEMORABLE   SPEECH.  41 

open  avowal  of  a  purpose  to  dissolve  the  Union  in  case 
of  a  Republican  success  in  18 GO.  While  using  the  cry 
of  "  sectionalism  "  against  the  Republican  party,  the 
Southern  Democracy  had  themselves  erected  the  sec 
tional  standard  by  asserting  that  the  government  was 
nothing  without  slavery,  and  the  Constitution  worthless 
unless  that  institution  was  to  be  both  protected  and 
extended.  Public  sentiment,  already  debauched  by  a 
k>ng  and  systematic  course  of  Democratic  intrigue,  was 
still  further  demoralized  by  the  weakness  and  treachery 
of  James  Buchanan's  administration,  the  most  disastrous 
and  despicable  that  has  ever  disgraced  our  history. 
Corruption  was  the  rule,  and  honesty  the  exception. 
Patriots  blushed  with  shame,  and  treason  lifted  its  head 
without  rebuke.  The  October  elections  in  1860  showed 
that  the  public  conscience  was  at  last  aroused,  and  that 
the  men  of  the  North  were  moving.  The  election  of 
Lincoln  in  November  threw  the  Democracy  into  a 
frenzy  of  rage.  Four  months  of  Buchanan's  adminis 
tration  still  remained  in  which  to  work  their  policy  of 
rule  or  ruin,  and  they  no  longer  attempted  to  conceal 
their  purposes.  Dissolution  of  the  Union  was  the 
Southern  .ultimatum  —  peaceably  if  they  could,  forcibly 
if  they  must.  The  doctrine  of  secession  was  boldly 
avowed  as  a  constitutional  and  Democratic  remedy 
against  a  Republican  triumph,  and  the  idea  of  prevent 
ing  or  w  coercing  "  a  State  from  going  out  of  the  Union 
was  hooted  at  by  every  Southern  Democrat  and  a 
majority  of  those  in  the  North.  Meanwhile,  a  Demo 
cratic  secretary  of  war  was  scattering  the  army  and 


42        LIFE   AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

plundering  the  government  arsenals,  and  other  Demo 
cratic  traitors  were  using  their  utmost  efforts  to  under 
mine  the  government.  Disunion  meetings  were  being 
held  in  all  parts  of  the  South.  Resolutions  had  already 
passed  the  South  Carolina  Legislature  (November  12, 
1860)  calling  a  convention  with  the  distinct  purpose  of 
secession,  and  both  of  the  United  States  Senators  from 
that  State  had  resigned  their  seats.  And  still,  as  yet, 
no  one  in  all  the  great  North  had  raised  an  authorita 
tive  voice  against  this  madness.  There  was  patriotism 
and  loyalty  enough,  but  it  was  unorganized.  The 
President  elect  was  not  yet  authorized  to  speak.  The 
Northern  press  was  wavering  and  public  opinion  was 
at  sea.  The  country  was  waiting  for  a  leader.  There 
was  a  mighty  underlying  sentiment  in  the  North  that 
the  government  should  be  preserved,  that  the  Union 
should^not  be  broken  up,  but  it  lacked  expression  and 
leadership.  Particularly  was  this  the  case  in  the 
border  States  of  the  North,  where  the  poison  of  De 
mocracy  had  struck  deepest  and  where  the  public  mind 
was  most  confused  in  regard  to  the  duty  of  the  hour. 
Men  were  feeling  after  the  right  course,  but  at  the 
same  time  they  wanted  some  one  to  point  the  way. 
O.  P.  Morton  was  the  man  to  do  it. 

On  the  22d  of  November,  1860,  a  Republican  mass 
meeting  was  called  in  Indianapolis  to  ratify  the  election 
of  Lincoln  and  to  give  expression  to  their  views  on  the 
political  situation.  The  meeting  was  held  in  the  old 
court  house,  which,  notwithstanding  an  inclement  even 
ing,  was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity.  The  Governor 


A   MEMORABLE    SPEECH.  43 

and  Lieutenant-governor  elect  were  to  speak.  The 
speech  of  Governor  Lane  was  rather  conciliatory  in 
tone.  He  alluded  to  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  Kentuck- 
ians  who  came  to  Indiana  at  an  early  day  to  defend 
her  pioneers  from  the  tomahawk  and  seal  ping-knife  of 
the  Indians,  arid  appealed  to  his  hearers  to  cultivate  a 
spirit  of  forbearance  towards  the  misguided  people  of 
the  Southern  States,  and  if  possible  to  avert  bloodshed 
by  compromise.  At  that  time  this  was  the  sentiment 
of  many  wise  and  conservative  men.  The  thought  of 
civil  war  was  horrible,  and  they  could  not  yet  bring 
themselves  to  contemplate  it  as  a  means  of  preserving 
the  Union.  Somewhat  later  Governor  Lane  was  fully 
up  with  the  spirit  of  the  North,  but  at  this  time  he  was 
in  favor  of  a  conciliatory  policy.  But  his  words  did 
not  strike  the  popular  chord  at  this  meeting,  in  which  it 
was  evident  there  was  a  deep  feeling  in  favor  of  main 
taining  the  Union  at  all  hazards,  even  if  it  involved  the 
dreadful  alternative  of  war.  Morton  followed,  and 
after  a  glowing  eulogium  upon  the  Union  and  the  ad 
vantages  and  necessity  of  its  preservation  he  declared 
that  if  the  issue  was  disunion  or  war  he,  and  as  he  be 
lieved  the  Republican  party,  was  for  war.  The  audi 
ence  knew  he  was  a  strong  and  bold  man  and  they  ex 
pected  strong  and  bold  words  ;  but  their  hearts  leaped 
with  joy  on  hearing  these  sentiments,  as  the  loyal  heart 
of  the  country  did  the  next  day  on  reading  the  report 
of  the  speech.  Then  and  there,  for  the  first  time  by 
any  leading  man,  was  the  duty  of  the  government  in 
the  pending  crisis  clearly  and  boldly  asserted.  The 


44         LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

doctrines  of  secession  and  coercion  were  examined  in 
the  light  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  right  and  duty  of 
self-preservation  shown  to  belong  to  the  government. 
Stripping  the  subject  of  all  disguises,  the  speaker  struck 
straight  at  the  heart  of  the  question,  and  interpreted  at 
once  the  popular  conviction  and  the  popular  wish  in 
that  trying  hour.  The  path  of  honor  and  of  duty  was 
shown  to  be  the  only  path  of  safety.  The  pernicious 
doctrine  of  "peaceable  secession,"  advocated  by  some 
well-meaning  persons  in  the  North,  was  traced  to  its 
ultimate  consequences,  and  shown  to  be  contrary  to  the 
Constitution  and  fatal  to  every  principle  of  government. 
The  grandeur  and  glory  of  the  Union  were  set  forth  in 
eloquent  words,  and  the  power  of  the  .government  to 
"  coerce  "  a  seceding  State  was  asserted  in  the  strongest 
terms.  In  short,  the  patriotic  sense  of  the  loyal  North 
in  favor  of  preserving  the  Union  was  interpreted  in  a 
manner  which  no  other  public  man  had  yet  ventured  to 
adopt.  Morton  rose  to  the  height  of  the  occasion. 
The  policy  of  "  coercion  "  had  come  to  be  a  sort  of 
bugbear  to  many  persons  :  — 

"  What  is  coercion,"  said  Mr.  Morton,  "but  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  law.  Is  anything  else  intended  or  required? 
Secession  or  nullification  can  only  be  regarded  by  the  gen 
eral  government  as  individual  action  upon  individual  respon 
sibility.  Those  concerned  in  it  cannot  intrench  themselves 
behind  the  forms  of  the  state  government  so  as  to  give  their 
conduct  the  semblance  of  legality,  and  thus  devolve  the  re 
sponsibility  upon  the  state  government,  which  of  itself  is 
irresponsible.  The  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  operate  upon  individuals,  but  not  upon  States,  and 


A   MEMORABLE   SPEECH.  45 

precisely  as  if  there  were  no  States.  In  this  matter  the 
President  has  no  discretion.  He  has  taken  a  solemn  oath 
to  enforce  the  laws  and  preserve  order,  and  to  this  end  he 
has  been  made  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy. 
How  can  he  be  absolved  from  responsibility  thus  devolved 
upoa  him  by  the  Constitution  and  his  official  oath?  " 

He  then  showed  that  the  Constitution  provided  no 
way  for  a  State  to  get  out  of  the  Union,  and  that  the 
only  alternative  for  the  President  was  to  enforce  the 
laws  or  acknowledge  the  independence  of  a  seceding 
State,  and  he  could  only  do  that  by  authority  of  Con 
gress.  The  central  thought  of  the  speech  was  that  the 
Union  must  be  preserved,  and,  if  need  be,  by  force. 
Pursuing  this  line,  Mr.  Morton  said  :  — 

"  The  right  of  secession  conceded,  the  nation  is  dissolved. 
Instead  of  having  a  nation,  one  mighty  people,  we  have  but 
a  collection  and  combination  of  thirty-three  independent  and 
petty  States,  held  together  by  a  treaty  which  has  hitherto 
been  called  a  Constitution,  of  the  infraction  of  which  each 
State  is  to  be  the  judge,  and  from  which  any  State  may  with 
draw  at  pleasure The  right  of  secession  conceded 

and  the  way  to  do  it  having  been  shown  to  be  safe  and  easy, 
the  prestige  of  the  republic  gone,  the  national  pride  extin 
guished  with  the  national  'idea,  secession  would  become  the 
remedy  for  every  state  or  sectional  grievance,  real  or  imagin 
ary If  South  Carolina  gets  out  of  the  Union,  I  trust 

it  will  be  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  after  our  best  efforts 
have  failed  to  compel  her  to  submission  to  the  laws.  Better 
concede  her  independence  to  force,  to  revolution,  than  to 
right  and  principle.  Such  a  concession  cannot  be  drawn 
into  precedent  and  construed  into  an  admission  that  we  are 
but  a  combination  of  petty  States,  any  one  of  which  has  a 
Tight  to  secede  and  set  up  for  herself  whenever  it  suits  her 


46        LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER  P.    MORTON. 

temper  or  views  of  peculiar  interest.  Such  a  contest,  let  it 
terminate  as  it  may,  would  be  a  declaration  to  the  other 
States  of  the  only  terms  upon  which  they  would  be  permitted 

to  withdraw  from  the  Union Shall  we  now  surrender 

the  nation  without  a  struggle,  and  let  the  Union  go  with 
merely  a  few  hard  words?  If  it  was  Avorth  a  bloody  struggle 
to  establish  this  nation,  it  is  worth  one  to  preserve  it,  and  I 
trust  that  we  shall  not,  by  surrendering  with  indecent  haste, 
publish  to  the  world  that  the  inheritance  our  fathers  pur 
chased  with  their  blood  we  have  given  up  to  save  ours." 

Then,  after  pointing  out  the  frightful  consequences, 
the  anarchy  and  ruin  sure  to  follow  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  he  said  :  — 

"  We  must,  then,  cling  to  the  idea  that  we  are  a  nation, 
one  and  indivisible,  and  that,  although  subdivided  by  state 
lines  for  local  and  domestic  purposes,  we  are  but  one  people, 
the  citizens  of  a  common  country,  having  like  institutions 
and  manners,  and  possessing  a  common  interest  in  that  in 
heritance  of  glory  so  richly  provided  by  our  fathers.  We 
must,  therefore,  do  no  act  —  we  must  tolerate  no  act  —  we 
must  concede  no  idea  or  theory  that  looks  to  or  involves  the 

dismemberment  of  the   nation Seven  years  is  but  a 

day  in  the  life  of  a  nation,  and  I  would  rather  come  out  of  a 
struggle  at  the  end  of  that  time,  defeated  in  arms  and  con 
ceding  independence  to  successful  revolution,  than  to  pur 
chase  present  peace  by  the  concession  of  a  principle  that 
must  inevitably  explode  this  nation  into  small  and  dishon 
ored  fragments The  whole  question  is  summed  up 

in  this  proposition:  'Are  we  one  nation,  one  people,  or 
thirty-three  nations,  or  thirty-three  independent  and  petty 
States?'  The  statement  of  the  proposition  furnishes  the 
answer.  If  we  are  one  nation  then  no  State  has  a  right  to 
secede.  Secession  can  only  be  the  result  of  successful  rev 
olution.  I  answer  the  question  for  you,  and  I  know  tha', 


A   MEMORABLE   SPEECH.  47 

my  answer  will  find  a  true  response  in  every  true  American 
heart,  that  we  are  one  people,  one  nation,  undivided  and 
indivisible." 

These  sentiments  were  rapturously  applauded,  and 
when  the  speaker  closed,  the  whole  audience  was  in  a 
state  of  patriotic  excitement.  The  speech  had  a  re 
markable  effect.  It  was  what  the  country  had  been 
waiting  for,  —  the  voice  of  a  leader  able  to  comprehend 
the  great  issues  involved,  far-sighted  enough  to  trace 
them  to  their  legitimate  results,  and  bold  enough  to 
assert  the  right  and  duty  of  the  government  to  pro 
tect  itself  against  secession  and  treason.  It  went  to 
the  popular  heart  like  a  bullet  to  its  mark.  Men  read 
it,  and  said,  "  Here  is  the  doctrine  and  the  man."  It 
dissipated  the  clouds  of  doubt  and  error  as  the  sun 
scatters  the  morning  mists.  The  public  mind  wavered 
no  longer.  From  that  day  forth  the  idea  of  "  peaceable 
secession  "  was  dead  and  the  policy  of  force  was  a  fixed 
fact.  The  speech  was  published  far  and  wide  in  the 
Republican  papers,  and  everywhere  admitted  to  be  un 
answerable.  The  Southern  leaders  read  in  it  an  author 
itative  expression  of  Northern  opinion.  A  gentleman, 
who  visited  the  President  elect  a  short  time  afterwards, 
at  Springfield,  found  Mr.  Lincoln  reading  the  speech, 
and  the  latter  said :  "  It  covers  the  whole  ground,  and 
declares  the  whole  policy  of  the  government.  It  is 
the  policy  I  shall  pursue  from  the  first."  Its  echoes 
reached  across  the  ocean,  and  it  was  regarded  as  of 
such  political  significance  that  the  English  authorities 
applied,  through  the  English  consul  at  Cincinnati,  for 


48        LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

a  copy  of  it.  It  constituted  a  rallying  point  for  public 
opinion  throughout  the  North  and  gave  an  immense 
impulse  to  the  development  of  loyal  sentiment.  It  lifted 
Mr.  Morton  at  once  into  national  prominence  and 
secured  him  universal  recognition  as  one  of  the  fore 
most  men  in  the  Republican  party,  a  man  for  the  times 
and  a  natural  leader.  This  speech  was  the  key-note  of 
his  subsequent  career. 

On  the  14th  of  January,  1861,  he  was  duly  qualified 
as  lieutenant-governor,  and  on  the  same  day  took  his 
seat  as  president  of  the  Senate.  He  occupied  this 
position  but  two  days,  for  on  the  16th  Governor  Lane 
was  elected  United  States  senator,  and  Lieutenant-gov 
ernor  Morton  became  governor. 


CHAPTER  V. 

HIS    NOBLE    RESPONSE    TO     THE    PRESIDENT'S    CALL. 

FROM  the  day  of  his  inauguration  Governor  Morton 
gave  evidence  of  possessing  extraordinary  executive 
ability.  He  was  eminently  a  man  of  affairs  and  took 
hold  of  the  business  of  the  office  as  one  who  knew 
there  was  work  to  do.  With  one  exception  he  was  at 
this  time  the  youngest  governor  of  any  Northern  State, 
but  of  all  those  who  acted  in  that  capacity  during  the 
eventful  years  of  the  war,  none  was  surrounded  with 
such  difficulties  as  he,  and  none  gave  evidence  of  such 
immense  fertility  of  resources.  His  first  attention  was 
turned  toward  reforming  the  civil  administration  of  the 
State.  In  his  brief  inaugural  address  before  the  Gen 
eral  Assembly  he  had  said,  "  The  financial  affairs  of 
our  State  are  in  great  confusion  and  embarrassment. 
It  will  be  among  your  first  duties  carefully  to  investi 
gate  their  condition,  which  having  done,  you  will  then 
be  able  to  devise  the  necessary  remedies,  and  apply 
them  as  far  as  may  be  in  your  power.  The  people  of 
this  State  have  been  promised  retrenchment  and  re 
form.  That  promise  can  and  must  be  redeemed."  He 
never  lost  sight  of  this  purpose  and  promise,  and  in 
spite  of  the  immense  labors  devolved  upon  him  by  the 


50        LIFE   AND   SEKVICES   OF   OLIVER    P.    MORTON. 

war  he  was  able  to  accomplish  wonders  in  the  way  of 
placing  the  finances  of  the  State  on  a  solid  basis.  Un 
der  a  succession  of  Democratic  administrations  the 
credit  of  the  State  had  been  seriously  impaired,  ita 
public  lands  stolen  and  its  revenues  squandered.  Gov 
ernor  Morton  addressed  himself  to  the  practical  refor 
mation  of  these  abuses  and  with  most  gratifying  results. 
I£  his  services  in  this  regard  had  not  been  so  com 
pletely  overshadowed  by  those  in  connection  with  the 
war,  he  would  still  be  entitled  to  the  lasting  gratitude 
of  every  citizen  of  Indiana.  The  inauguration  of 
measures  looking  to  these  civil  reforms  occupied  the 
early  months  of  his  administration. 

Meanwhile  the  storm-cloud  was  gathering  in  the 
South.  Several  of  the  States  had  passed  ordinances  of 
secession.  Peaceable  expedients  had  been  exhausted, 
and  all  attempts  at  compromise  had  failed.  The  South 
would  have  nothing  but  separation.  The  rebel  sena 
tors  and  representatives  had  remained  in  Congress  as 
long  as  they  dared,  and  then,  drawing  their  pay,  had 
fled  South.  A  congress  of  Southern  States  had  been 
held  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  early  in  February,  1861, 
at  which  a  constitution  for  "  The  Confederate  States 
of  America "  had  been  adopted,  and  a  president  and 
vice-president  had  been  elected.  In  the  North  the 
condition  of  the  public  mind  was  marked  by  trepida 
tion,  confusion,  and  uncertainty,  but  underlying  all  was 
a  determined  purpose  to  preserve  the  Union.  Gov 
ernor  Morton  foresaw  the  coming  storm  and  was  one 
of  the  most  active  in  preparing  to  meet  it.  In  Indiana, 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO   THE   PRESIDENT'S    CALL.      51 

especially  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  State,  there 
was  strong  opposition  to  a  coercive  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  government,  and  many  Democrats  openly  de 
clared  that  if  this  policy  was  adopted  they  would  take 
up  arms  for  the  South.  But  Governor  Morton  did  not 
waver  nor  falter.  He  was  no  friend  of  half-way  meas 
ures.  His  voice  was  for  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
and,  if  need  be,  for  war  to  preserve  them.  Perceiving 
the  danger  of  a  dilatory  policy  he  visited  Washington 
shortly  after  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln,  to 
advise  vigorous  action,  and  to  assure  the  President  of 
Indiana's  support  in  such  a  policy.  He  felt  sure  of 
being  able  to  rally  the  loyal  sentiment  of  the  State. 
At  this  period  events  followed  each  other  in  rapid  suc 
cession  a/nd  culminated  in  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter, 
and  the  surrender  of  that  post  to  the  rebels.  This 
occurred  on  the  12th  of  April,  1861.  On  the  15th, 
President  Lincoln  issued  his  proclamation  calling  for 
75,000  men,  and  appealing  "to  all  loyal  citizens  to 
favor,  facilitate,  and  aid  this  effort  to  maintain  the 
honor,  the  integrity  and  existence  of  our  national 
Union,  and  the  perpetuity  of  popular  government,  and 
to  redress  wrongs  already  long  enough  endured."  On 
the  morning  of  the  very  day  this  proclamation  was 
issued,  and  before  it  was  received  in  Indianapolis,  Gov 
ernor  Morton  had  telegraphed  as  follows :  — 


52        LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

"  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT  OF  INDIANA, 

"  INDIANAPOLIS,  April  15,  1861. 
"  To  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN, 

"  President  of  the  United  States  : 

"  On  behalf  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  I  tender  to  you,  for  the 
defense  of  the  nation  and  to  uphold  the  authority  of  the 
government,  ten  thousand  men. 

"  OLIVER  P.  MORTON, 

"  Governor  of  Indiana." 

Thus  Indiana,  through  her  governor,  was  the  first 
State  to  accept  the  gage  of  war  and  to  proffer  troops, 
as  she  was  also  one  of  the  first  to  put  her  troops  into 
the  field.  The  State's  quota  under  the  call  was  six 
regiments,  and  on  the  next  day  Governor  Morton  issued 
a  proclamation  calling  upon  "  the  loyal  and  patriotic 
men  of  this  State,  to  the  number  of  six  regiments,  to 
organize  themselves  into  military  companies  and  forth 
with  report  to  the  Adjutant-general,  in  order  that  they 
may  be  speedily  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States."  The  response  to  this  proclamation  was  a 
splendid  proof  of  the  patriotism  of  Indiana's  sons. 
The  day  after  it  was  issued  there  were  five  hundred 
men  in  camp  at  Indianapolis,  and  the  s^tate  house  had 
already  begun  to  assume  the  appearance  of.  a  military 
head-quarters.  In  less  than  seven  days  more  than 
twelve  thousand  men,  or  nearly  three  times  the  quota 
required,  had  been  tendered.  Fearing  that  an  attempt 
would  be  made  by  the  rebels  to  take  possession  of  the 
national  capital,  Governor  Morton  telegraphed  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  on  the  18th,  offering  to  sent  forward 
one  regiment  immediately  if  needed  to  protect  the 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO   THE   PRESIDENT'S   CALL.     53 

capital,  but  they  were   not  called  for.      At  this   time 
there  was  less  than  $15,000  in  the  state  treasury,  and 
no  available  means  of  arming,  subsisting,  and  equipping 
troops.     Foreseeing    the  approach    of  hostilities,  Gov 
ernor  Morton  had  visited  Washington  about  the  middle 
of  March    for  the    purpose   of   procuring   a   supply   of 
arms   for  state  troops   from    the    general  government, 
but  obtained   little   satisfaction.     What   few  arms   the 
State  had,  therefore,  were  practically  worthless.     It  had 
no  military  law  nor  any  military  system.      All  had   to 
be  built  from  the  ground  up.    No  man  ever  met  new  and 
sudden  responsibilities  more  nobly  than  Governor  Mor 
ton  did  in  this  emergency,  or  showed  greater  executive 
ability  and  aptitude  for  affairs.      On   the  20th  of  April, 
four   days   after  his  call    was   issued,   the    organization 
of  regiments   began.      Meanwhile    the  war   spirit   was 
rushing   through   the  State  like  a  whirlwind,  and  vol 
unteers  continued  to  pour  in.     At  this  juncture,  Gov 
ernor  Morton,  foreseeing   that   the   government  would 
need  more  men,  telegraphed   to   the  Secretary  of  War 
offering    six    additional    regiments,  without    regard    to 
length  of  service,  and   pledging    his  word  to   organize 
them  in  six  days,  if  accepted.     No  response  being  re 
ceived  to   this    proposition,  telegraphic  communication 
with  Washington    being  interrupted,  the  Governor,  on 
the  23d,  sent  a  special   messenger   to  Washington,  re 
newing  the  offer,  and  expressing   his   determination  at 
all   events  to   put  six  additional  regiments   into   camp 
and  hold   them  subject  to  the  demand  of  the   govern 
ment.     Thus,  at  the  very  threshold  of  the  conflict,  he 


54        LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

showed  an  appreciation  of  its  probable  magnitude  and 
an  energy  in  preparing  for  it  not  evinced  by  the  gov 
ernor  of  any  other  Northern  State.  Happily,  his  great 
popularity  throughout  the  State,  and  the  unbounded 
confidence  which  the  people  had  already  learned  to 
feel  in  his  judgment  and  patriotism,  enabled  him  to 
fulfill  to  the  letter  every  pledge  or  promise  ever  made 
to  the  government  or  to  the  troops  themselves.  Not 
withstanding  the  haste  with  which  these  troops  were 
mobilized  they  were  better  armed  and  equipped  than 
any  other  troops  from  the  West,  and  the  completeness 
of  their  outfit  excited  great  admiration  as  they  passed 
through  Cincinnati  and  other  cities  on  their  way  to 
West  Virginia.  The  promptness  and  ability  thus  dis 
played  by  Governor  Morton  at  the  very  beginning  of 
the  war  were  generally  commented  upon  and  held  up 
as  an  example  for  the  governors  of  other  States  to 
emulate. 

The  first  call,  of  which  Indiana's  quota  was  six 
regiments,  was  for  three  months.  In  anticipation  of  a 
second  call,  Governor  Morton  had  organized  five  addi 
tional  regiments  of  twelve  months'  volunteers,  which, 
by  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  were  to  remain  under  his 
control  until  needed  by  the  government.  The  call 
came  May  16,  1861.  It  was  for  forty-two  thousand 
three  years'  men,  and  Indiana's  quota  was  four  regi 
ments.  Governor  Morton  was  prepared  for  this  call 
in  advance,  the  regiments  being  already  organized, 
equipped,  and  partially  drilled.  Thus  his  foresight  in 
organizing  these  regiments  proved  of  great  value  to  the 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO   THE    PRESIDENT'S   CALL.      56 

country,  and  enabled  him  to  respond  upon  the  instant 
to  the  President's  second  call  without  going  through 
the  formality  and  delay  of  another  appeal  to  the  people. 
And  so  it  was  all  the  time.  He  either  anticipated  every 
call  for  troops,  or  had  matters  in  such  a  state  of  prepa 
ration  that  no  time  was  lost  in  responding.  Before  the 
term  of  the  three  months'  men  expired,  and  while  they 
were  still  in  the  field,  he  sent  special  messengers  to 
urge  the*m  to  reenlist  for  three  years  or  for  the  war. 
He  represented  to  them  that  the  war  was  sure  to  last 
during  several  campaigns,  that  the  government  would 
need  more  men  when  the  terms  of  those  now  in  the 
service  should  expire,  and  that  Indiana  would  certainly 
be  called  upon  for  further  aid.  The  result  was  that 
these  regiments  reenlisted  almost  in  a  body,  and  were 
reorganized  in  time  to  respond  with  others  to  the  third 
call  for  troops,  which  was  issued  August  4,  1862.  This 
call  was  for  300,000  men  for  nine  months ;  the  fourth 
call,  issued  June  15,  1863,  was  for  100,000  men  for  six 
months  ;  the  fifth  call,  October  17,  1863,  was  for  300,000 
men  for  three  years;  the  sixth  call,  July  18,  1864,  was 
for  500,000  men  for  one,  two,  or  three  years;  the 
seventh  and  last  call,  December  19,  1864,  was  for 
300,000  men  for  one,  two,  or  three  years.  Under  these 
various  calls  Indiana  furnished  an  aggregate  of  208,367 
men,  of  whom  all  but  about  17,000  were  volunteers. 
Every  call  was  met  promptly  and  fully,  no  deficiencies 
being  left  to  be  filled  on  subsequent  calls,  and  the  ex 
cess,  after  the  quotas  had  been  filled,  varying  from  two 
thousand  to  thirty  thousand.  This  record  is  a  splendid 


56         LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

and  perpetual  proof  of  the  patriotism  of  the  people  of 
Indiana,  and  reflects  imperishable  honor  on  the  name 
of  Oliver  P.  Morton,  to  whose  personal  ability  and  ex 
ertions  these  great  results  were  so  largely  due. 

There  was  great  uneasiness  along  the  border  lest  the 
State  should  be  invaded  by  rebel  bands  known  to  be 
organizing  in  Kentucky,  and  the  whole  situation  was  so 
grave  that  on  the  19th  of  April  Governor  Morton  is 
sued  a  call  for  a  special  session  of  the  Legislature  to 
convene  at  the  capital  on  the  24th.  His  message  to  the 
General  Assembly,  delivered  on  this  occasion,  is  so  valu 
able,  both  as  a  historical  outline  of  the  causes  of  the 
rebellion  and  a  presentation  of  his  views  of  the  situation, 
that  we  give  it  in  full :  — 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives: 
You  have  been  summoned  together  under  circumstances  of 
the  most  grave  and  important  character.  Our  country  is 
placed  in  a  condition  hitherto  unknown  in  her  history  and 
one  which  all  patriots  and  lovers  of  liberty  throughout  the 
world  had  fondly  hoped  would  never  occur.  Civil  war,  that 
has  ever  been  the  bane  of  republics,  has  been  inaugurated 
by  certain  rebellious  States  which,  unmindful  of  their  con 
stitutional  obligations,  and  regarding  not  our  common  his 
tory,  blood,  interests,  and  institutions,  are  seeking  to  dis 
member  the  nation  and  overthrow  the  federal  government, 
so  wisely  and,  as  we  had  believed,  permanently  established 
by  our  fathers.  The  origin  of  this  most  wicked  rebellion 
dates  back  more  than  thirty  years.  It  is  well  known  that 
distinguished  Southern  statesmen,  as  early  as  1829,  cher 
ished  the  dream  of  a  vast  Southern  slave-holding  confeder 
acy,  comprehending  the  conquest  of  Cuba,  Mexico,  and 
Central  America.  The  determination  was  then  formed  to 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO   THE   PRESIDENT'S   CALL.      57 

break  our  republic  into  pieces  by  any  available  pretext. 
The  first  one  seized  upon  by  South  Carolina  was  the  tariff 
question  ;  and  had  not  the  nation  had  for  its  executive  a 
man  greatly  distinguished  for  patriotism,  courage,  and  decis 
ion  of  character,  widespreading  and  disastrous  consequences 
might  have  followed.  By  prompt  and  energetic  action  the 
rebellion  was  crushed  out  for  the  time,  to  be  revived,  as 
subsequent  events  have  shown,  on  new  pretenses  and  in  an 
other  form. 

"  The  election  of  a  president  of  the  United  States  through 
the  forms  of  the  Constitution,  entertaining  opinions  obnox 
ious  to  certain  States  of  the  confederacy,  is  boldly  pub 
lished  to  the  world  as  a  just  cause  for  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  and  bringing  on,  if  necessary  for  that  purpose,  all  the 
horrors  of  a  bloody  revolution.  It  would  be  an  insult  to  your 
intelligence  to  argue  that  the  admission  of  this  pretense  as  a 
justification  would  be  clearly  fatal  to  all  republican  govern 
ment  ;  that  popular  institutions  can  only  be  sustained  by 
submission  to  the  will  of  the  people  as  expressed  through  the 
forms  of  the  Constitution,  trusting  to  the  peaceful  remedy  of 
the  ballot-box  for  the  redress  of  grievances.  And  the  wick 
edness  of  this  pretense  is  greatly  aggravated  by  the  reflec 
tion  that  it  is  utterly  hypocritical,  that  it  was  only  put  forth 
in  furtherance  of  schemes  entertained  for  years,  and  sup 
ported  by  notoriously  false  assumptions  of  fact  and  logic. 
When  we  read  the  history  of  the  late  Democratic  Convention 
at  Charleston  by  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  can  we  fail 
to  see  that  the  scheme  of  secession  and  dismemberment  of 
the  republic  was  then  completely  formed,  and  that  the  dis 
ruption  of  that  convention  was  one  of  the  steps  towards  its 
consummation?  If  confirmation  of  this  opinion  were  needed, 
it  will  be  found  in  the  fact  that  certain  traitorous  members 
of  Mr.  Buchanan's  cabinet  were  systematically  engaged,  for 
many  months  before  the  late  presidential  election,  in  placing 
the  arms  and  defenses  of  the  nation  in  a  position  to  be 
readily  seized  by  the  seceding  States. 


58         LIFE   AND    SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

"  Secession  was  at  first  argued  as  a  right  springing  tvmii  the 
Constitution,  but  as  the  movement  gained  strength  this  flimsy 
pretext  was  abandoned,  and  what  in  an  hour  of  weakness 
was  claimed  by  feeble  argument,  is  now  boldly  asserted  by 
military  power.  The  North,  conscious  of  her  strength  and 
the  rectitude  of  her  intentions,  has  hitherto  remained  quiet, 
making  no  preparation  whatever  for  a  conflict  of  arms.  Her 
forbearance  has  been  construed  into  cowardice,  and  her  ef 
forts  to  keep  the  peace  have  but  provoked  increased  inso 
lence  and  aggression.  The  secession  movement  has,  from 
the  beginning,  been  an  act  of  war.  Ordinances  of  secession 
have  been  immediately  followed,  and  sometimes  preceded,  by 
the  violent  seizure  and  plunder  of  national  property,  and  the 
forcible  expulsion  of  the  agents  and  officers  of  the  federal 
government.  From  the  very  first,  and  at  every  step  in  its 
progress,  it  has  been  distinguished  by  acts  of  hostility  and 
outrage,  alike  injurious  to  the  nation  and  insulting  to  the 
people  of  the  loyal  States. 

"  The  secessionists  were  profoundly  convinced  that  the  co 
operation  of  the  border  slave  States  could  not  be  procured 
without  a  conflict  of  arms  between  them  and  the  federal 
government,  and  hence  have  labored  assiduously  to  place 
the  government  in  a  position  that  a  collision  could  not  be 
avoided,  except  by  the  most  abject  submission  and  humilia 
tion.  The  intention  to  force  a  conflict  has  been  most  appar 
ent,  and  delay  was  suffered  only  that  they  might  complete 
their  preparations  ;  and  when  at  last  their  preparations  were 
complete,  and  wearied  by  the  long  forbearance  of  the  gov 
ernment,  they  inaugurated  hostilities  by  assaulting  and 
reducing  Fort  Sumter. 

"  The  place  where  Fort  Sumter  is  situated  had  been  regu 
larly  ceded  by  the  State  of  South  Carolina  to  the  federal 
government,  and, by  an  express  provision  of  the  Constitution, 
was  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 
It  was  unfinished  and  held  by  a  garrison  of  less  than  one 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO    THE   PRESIDENT'S   CALL.      59 

hundred  men,  and  while  in  this  condition  was  invested  by  a 
large  army,  cutting  off  all  approach  to  it  by  sea  or  land. 
The  stock  of  provisions  was  almost  exhausted,  and  the  im 
mediate  prospect  was  presented  to  the  feeble  garrison  of 
starvation,  or  yielding  up  into  the  hands  of  an  avowed 
enemy  a  fortress  of  the  United  States.  At  this  juncture, 
the  federal  government,  which  had  waited  long,  perhaps  too 
long,  declared  its  determination  to  send  provisions  to  the 
garrison.  Before  this  attempt  could  be  made,  and  before 
a  single  sail  of  the  fleet  was  seen  off  the  harbor,  a  powerful 
cannonade  was  opened  upon  Sumter  which  resulted  in  its 
destruction  and  surrender. 

"  Every  day  brings  us  intelligence  of  new  outrage  and  as 
sault.  Throughout  the  rebellious  States  is  heard  the  note  of 
preparation  for  an  extensive  and  aggressive  campaign.  The 
national  capital  is  menaced,  and  every  avenue  of  approach 
for  federal  troops  and  provisions  is  attempted  to  be  cut  off. 
The  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River,  the  great  artery 
of  commerce  of  the  Northwest,  is  obstructed;  and  the  usurp 
ing  government  of  the  rebellious  States  has  issued  a  procla 
mation  inviting  the  freebooters  of  all  the  world  to  prey  upon 
our  national  commerce. 

"  We  have  passed  from  the  field  of  argument  to  the  solemn 
fact  of  war  which  exists  by  the  act  of  the  seceding  States. 
The  issue  is  forced  upon  us,  and  must  be  accepted.  Every 
man  must  take  his  position  upon  the  one  side  or  upon  the  other. 
In  time  of  war  there  is  no  ground  upon  which  a  third  party 
can  stand.  It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  all  men  to  rally  to 
the  support  of  the  government,  and  to  expend  in  its  behalf, 
if  need  be,  their  fortunes  and  their  blood.  Upon  the  pres 
ervation  of  this  government  depends  our  prosperity  and 
greatness  as  a  nation;  our  liberty  and  happiness  as  individ 
uals.  We  should  approach  the  contest,  not  as  politicians, 
nor  as  ambitious  partisans,  but  as  patriots,  who  cast  aside 
every  selfish  consideration  when  danger  threatens  their 


60        LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

country.  The  voice  of  party  should  be  hushed,  and  the 
bitterness  that  may  have  sprung  out  of  political  contests  be 
at  once  forgiven  and  forgotten.  Let  us  rise  above  these 
paltry  considerations,  and  inaugurate  the  era  when  there 
shall  be  but  one  party  and  that  for  our  country.  The  strug 
gle  is  one  into  which  we  enter  with  the  deepest  reluctance. 
We  are  bound  to  the  people  of  the  seceding  States  by  the 
dearest  ties  of  blood  and  institutions.  They  are  our  brothers 
and  our  fellow  countrymen.  But  if  they  regard  not  these 
tender  relations,  how  can  we?  If  they  wage  war  upon  us 
and  put  themselves  in  the  attitude  of  public  enemies,  they 
must  assume  all  the  responsibility  incident  to  that  position. 
But  while  I  deplore  deeply  the  character  of  the  contest  in 
which  we  are  engaged,  nevertheless  we  should  meet  it  as 
men. 

"  To  our  sister  State  of  Kentucky  we  turn  with  hope  and 
affection.  She  has  grown  rich  and  prosperous  in  the 
republic;  could  she  do  more  if  she  were  out  of  it?  It 
would  be  a  sad  day  which  should  sever  the  bonds  which 
bind  these  States  together,  and  place  us  in  separate  and 
hostile  nations.  I  appeal  to  her  by  the  ties  of  our  common 
kindred  and  history,  by  our  community  of  interest,  by  the 
sacred  obligations  that  bind  us  to  maintain  the  Constitution 
inviolate,  to  adhere  to  the  Union  and  stand  fast  by  that  flag 
in  defense  of  which  she  has  so  often  shed  her  best  blood.  I 
pray  her  to  examine  her  past  history  and  perceive  how  the  tide 
of  her  prosperity  has  flowed  on  unbroken  and  ever  increas 
ing,  until  her  limits  are  filled  with  material  wealth  and  her 
people  are  respected,  elevated,  and  happy  ;  and  then  inquire 
if  all  this  is  not  the  result  of  that  Union  she  is  called  upon 
to  break,  and  of  that  government  she  is  invited  to  dishonor 
and  overthrow.  To  ask  Kentucky  to  secede  is  to  ask  her  to 
commit  foul  dishonor  and  suicide.  I  trust  that  the  good 
sense  and  patriotism  of  her  people  will  not  suffer  her  to  be 
dragged  by  the  current  of  events,  which  has  been  cunningly 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO   THE   PRESIDENT'S   CALL.      61 

invented  for  that  purpose,  into  the  vortex  of  disunion ;  nor 
permit  her  to  be  artfully  inveigled  into  an  armed  neutrality 
between  the  rebellious  States  and  the  federal  government. 
Such  a  position  would  be  anomalous  and  fatal  to  the  peace 
and  perpetuity  of  the  Union.  There  is  no  ground  in  the 
Constitution  midway  between  a  rebellious  State  and  the 
federal  government  upon  which  she  can  stand,  holding  both 
in  check  and  restraining  the  government  from  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws  and  the  exercise  of  its  constituted  author 
ity.  Such  an  attitude  is  at  once  unconstitutional  and  hostile. 
At  a  time  like  this,  if  she  is  not  for  the  government,  aiding 
and  maintaining  it  by  the  observance  of  all  her  constitutional 
obligations,  she  is  against  it.  If  the  voice  of  her  people  can 
be  heard,  I  fear  not  the  result.  Secession  can  only  triumph, 
as  it  has  triumphed  in  other  States,  by  stifling  the  voice  of 
the  people  and  by  the  bold  usurpation,  by  demagogues  and 
traitors,  of  the  powers  which  rightfully  belong  to  them  alone. 
And  I  might  here  remark,  it  is  quite  manifest  that  the 
schemes  of  the  authors  and  managers  of  the  rebellion  extend 
far  beyond  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  embrace  the 
destruction  of  the  democratic  principle  of  government,  and 
the  substitution  of  an  aristocracy  in  its  stead.  In  the  se 
ceding  States  the  control  of  public  affairs  has  been  with 
drawn  substantially  from  the  people,  and  every  proposition 
to  submit  to  their  consideration  measures  of  the  most  vital 
importance  has  been  contemptuously  overruled,  and  we  are 
in  truth  called  upon  to  fight,  not  only  for  the  Union,  but  for 
the  principle  upon  which  our  state  and  national  governments 
are  founded. 

"  If  the  rebellious  States  hope  to  profit  by  dissensions  in  the 
North,  they  have  erred  egregiously,  and  have  wholly  failed 
to  comprehend  our  people.  Our  divisions  were  merely  po 
litical  and  not  fundamental,  and  party  lines  faded  instantly 
from  sight  when  the  intelligence  went  abroad  that  war  was 
being  waged  against  the  nation.  When  the  sound  of  the 


62        LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

first  gun  reverberated  through  the  land  the  people  of  the 
North  arose  as  one  man,  and  declared  that  the  government 
must  be  sustained  and  the  honor  of  our  flag  preserved  invio 
late  at  whatever  cost.  The  events  of  the  last  ten  days  are 
pregnant  with  instruction  and  moral  grandeur.  They  pre 
sent  the  action  of  a  people  who  have  suffered  much  and 
waited  long;  who  were  slow  to  take  offense  and  incredulous 
of  treason  and  danger ;  but  who,  when  the  dread  appeal  to 
arms  was  made  and  the  issue  could  no  longer  be  avoided 
with  honor  or  safety,  promptly  abandoned  the  peaceful  pur 
suits  of  life  and  devoted  themselves  to  the  service  of  their 
country.  I  trust  that  the  force  of  this  lesson  may  not  be 
lost  upon  our  erring  brethren  of  the  South,  and  that  they 
will  at  once  perceive  they  have  inaugurated  a  contest  from 
which  they  cannot  emerge  with  honor  and  profit. 

"  On  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  present  month  the  President 
of  the  United  States  issued  his  proclamation  calling  upon  the 
loyal  States  to  furnish  75,000  men  for  the  protection  of  the 
government,  the  suppression  of  rebellion,  and  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  laws.  Subsequently  the  quota  to  be  furnished 
by  Indiana  was  fixed  at  six  regiments,  of  seven  hundred  and 
seventy  men  each.  In  obedience  to  this  call  I  issued  my 
proclamation  calling  for  volunteers,  and  in  less  than  eight 
days  more  than  12,000  men  have. tendered  their  services, 
and  the  contest  among  the  companies  has  been  earnest  and 
exciting  as  to  which  shall  secure  a  place  within  the  quota. 
This  response  has  been  most  gratifying  and  extraordinary, 
and  furnishes  indubitable  evidence  of  the  patriotism  of  In 
diana,  and  her  entire  devotion  to  the  Union.  Without  dis 
tinction  of  party,  condition,  or  occupation,  men  have  rallied 
around  the  national  standard,  and  in  every  part  of  the  State 
may  be  heard  the  sound  of  martial  music  and  witnessed  the 
mustering  of  companies  into  the  field.  In  view  of  this  re 
markable  response  made  to  the  proclamation,  on  the  20th 
instant  I  tendered  to  the  President,  for  the  service  of  the 


NOBLE   RESPONSE   TO    THE   PRESIDENT'S   CALL.      63 

United  States,  six  additional  regiments  ;  but  telegraphic  and 
postal  communication  having  been  cut  off  with  Washington, 
no  answer  has  been  received  up  to  this  time.  A  camp  was 
formed  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  city  for  the  reception  of 
the  troops,  and  Major  Wood,  of  the  United  States  army, 
has  been  busily  engaged  for  several  days  in  mustering  them 

into  the  service.  There  are  in  camp companies,  being 

an  excess  of  the  number  called  for  by  the  President,  and  in 
addition  to  that,  every  company  largely  exceeds,  and  in 
some  instances  more  than  doubles  the  number  that  can  be 
finally  received  into  the  company.  Some  companies  came 
by  mistakes  unavoidably  occurring  in  the  office  of  the  Adju 
tant-general,  and  others  without  marching  orders.  They 
will  be  retained  in  camp,  and  provided  with  quarters  and 
subsistence,  awaiting  the  action  of  the  Legislature.  I  can 
not  refrain  from  here  expressing  the  opinion  that  has  been 
uttered  by  many  who  have  visited  the  camp,  that  finer  ma 
terial  for  a  gallant  army  was  never  assembled. 

"  The  report  of  the  Adjutant-general,  Lewis  Wallace,  is 
herewith  transmitted,  and  I  beg  leave  in  this  manner  to  ten 
der  him  my  hearty  thanks  for  his  able  and  efficient  services 
in  that  department. 

"  In  view  of  all  the  facts,  it  becomes  the  imperative  duty  of 
Indiana  to  make  suitable  preparations  for  the  contest  by  pro 
viding  ample  supplies  of  men  and  money  to  insure  the  pro 
tection  of  the  state  and  general  government  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war  to  a  speedy  and  successful  termination.  I 
therefore  recommend  that  one  million  of  dollars  be  appro 
priated  for  the  purchase  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  and 
for  the  organization  of  such  portion  of  the  militia  as  may  be 
deemed  necessary  for  the  emergency.  That  a  militia  sys 
tem  be  devised  and  enacted  looking  chiefly  to  volunteers, 
which  shall  insure  the  greatest  protection  to  the  State,  and 
unity  and  efficiency  of  the  force  to  be  employed.  That  a 
law  be  enacted  suspending  the  collection  of  debts  against 


64         LIFE   AND   SERVICES    OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

those  who  may  be  actually  employed  in  the  military  service 
of  the  State  or  the  United  States.  That  suitable  provision 
be  made  by  the  issue  of  the  bonds  of  the  State  or  otherwise 
for  raising  the  money  herein  recommended  to  be  appropri 
ated,  and  that  all  necessary  and  proper  legislation  be  had  to 
protect  the  business,  property,  and  citizens  of  the  State  un 
der  the  circumstances  in  which  they  are  placed. 

"  O.  P.  MORTON,  Governor." 

The  General  Assembly  responded  with  alacrity  to 
these  patriotic  sentiments,  enacting  all  the  legislation 
recommended  by  the  Governor,  and  in  every  way  show 
ing  its  perfect  confidence  in  his  judgment  and  patriot 
ism.  At  this  time,  as  indeed  during  the  whole  period 
of  the  war,  the  Governor  performed  an  incredible 
amount  of  work.  It  would  be  impossible,  within  the 
limits  of  a  sketch  like  this,  to  narrate  in  detail  his  vast 
and  multifarious  labors.  Pie  seemed  to  be  ubiquitous, 
now  in  Washington,  now  at  home,  counseling  with  the 
President,  encouraging  the  people,  organizing  regi 
ments,  hurrying  troops  to  the  front,  looking  after  those 
already  in  the  field,  negotiating  loans,  organizing  sani 
tary  commissions,  forwarding  stores  —  in  short,  per 
forming  the  labor  of  a  dozen  men,  and  infusing  his 
spirit  into  all  with  whom  he  came  iri  contact.  From 
the  beginning  he  comprehended  almost  better  than  any 
other  man  the  full  scope  of  the  rebellion  and  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  work  of  suppressing  it.  He  was  for 
prompt  and  thorough  measures,  and  was  largely  suc 
cessful  in  inspiring  others  with  his  own  earnestness.  In 
one  instance,  however,  he  failed.  This  was  in  the  case 


NOBLE  RESPONSE   TO   THE  PRESIDENT'S   CALL.     65 

of  General  George  B.  McClellan,  the  first  commander 
of  the  Union  forces  in  the  West.  On  the  7th  of  May, 
1861,  Governor  Dennison  of  Ohio  telegraphed  to  Wash 
ington  asking  that  the  boundaries  of  McClellan's  de 
partment  should  be  extended  so  as  to  include  Western 
Virginia.  This  was  done.  Then  the  Governor  wrote 
to  McClellan  setting  forth  the  necessities  of  the  case 
and  urging  the  immediate  crossing  of  the  Ohio  River 
and  occupation  of  Western  Virginia.  General  Mc 
Clellan  replied :  "  I  have  carefully  considered  your 
letter  of  the  10th.  Strange  as  the  advice  may  seem 
from  a  young  general,  I  advise  delay  for  the  present. 

I  fear  nothing  from  Western  Virginia Don't  let 

these  frontier  men  hurry  you  on.  I  am  pressed  by 
Yates,  Morton,  etc.  The  latter  is  a  terrible  alarmist 
and  not  at  all  a  cool  head."  Thus  early  in  the  war 
this  celebrated  general  of  inaction  commenced  advising 
"  delay "  and  characterizing  such  men  as  Oliver  P. 
Morton  as  alarmists.  The  difference  between  them 
was,  that  Morton  was  in  favor  of  putting  down  the  re 
bellion  and  of  hurting  rebels,  while  McClellan  was  not. 
The  troops  hurried  to  the  front  by  Governor  Mor 
ton  in  response  to  the  President's  first  call  were  or 
ganized,  fed,  clothed,  and  equipped  by  him  without  as 
sistance  from  the  national  government.  They  fired  the 
first  shots  in  the  war  and  were  mainly  instrumental  in 
winning  the  earliest  victories  in  Western  Virginia. 
Thus,  at  the  very  commencement  of  hostilities,  he  began 
to  exhibit  those  preeminent  qualities  which,  intensely 
exercised  during  the  following  years,  were  to  win  for 
nim  the  proud  title  of  Indiana's  great  War  Governor. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

HIS    SERVICES    TO    NEIGHBORING    STATES. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  attitude  of  Ken 
tucky  was  a  source  of  alarm  along  the  border,  and  of 
apprehension  with  all.  In  his  message  to  the  special 
session  of  the  General  Assembly,  quoted  in  the  preced 
ing  pages,  Governor  Morton  made  an  eloquent  appeal 
to  the  people  of  Kentucky  to  remain  true  to  the  Union. 
Whatever  approval  this  may  have  excited  in  the  hearts 
of  loyal  men,  it  met  with  no  sympathy  from  those  who 
were  bent  on  taking  Kentucky  out  of  the  Union.  Her 
governor,  Beriah  Magoffin,  a  rebel  at  heart,  had  re 
fused,  with  insult,  the  call  of  the  President  for  troops. 
A  leading  newspaper  of  the  State  had  declared  its 
"  mingled  amazement  and  indignation  "  at  the  audacity 
of  such  a  call,  and  called  on  the  people  to  take  the 
President  and  his  administration  "  into  their  own 
hands."  Though  Governor  Magomn  could  not  carry 
Kentucky  out  of  the  Union,  he  succeeded  for  a  time  in 
preventing  her  from  doing  her  duty  as  a  part  of  it 
and  in  bringing  odium  upon  her  name  by  his  senseless 
prate  about  "armed  neutrality."  One  of  the  transparent 
tricks  by  which  he  attempted  to  conceal  his  disloyalty 
tfas  a  pretended  scheme  to  unite  the  governors  of  the 


HIS   SERVICES   TO  NEIGHBORING   STATES.          67 

border  States,'  himself  included,  in  a  neutral  combina 
tion  "  to  preserve  peace  between  the  border  States " 
and  act  as  "  mediators  between  the  contending  parties." 
On  the  25th  of  April,  1861,  he  sent  to  Governor  Mor 
ton  this  dispatch :  "  Will  you  cooperate  with  me  in  a 
proposition  to  the  government  at  Washington  for  peace 
by  the  border  States  as  mediators  between  the  contend 
ing  parties  ?  "  Governor  Morton  replied  at  once  :  "  I 
will  unite  in  any  effort  for  the  restoration  of  the  Union 
and  peace  which  shall  be  constitutional  and  honorable 
to  Indiana  and  the  federal  government."  The  next 
day  Magoffin  sent  another  dispatch,  stating  that  he  had 
informed  Governor  Dennison  of  Ohio  that  "  he  would 
meet  that  gentleman  at  Cincinnati  the  following  Tues 
day  evening,"  and  requesting  Governor  Morton  to  meet 
them  there.  Governor  Morton  replied  at  once  that  he 
would,  and  that  he  expected  Governor  Magoffin  to  be 
there  "  in  person."  He  went  to  Cincinnati  at  the  ap 
pointed  time,  but  Magoffin,  though  expressly  notified 
to  be  present  "  in  person,"  did  not  appear.  He  prob 
ably  never  intended  to.  An  interview,  such  as  Gov 
ernor  Morton  desired,  would  have  been  quite  sure  to 
expose  his  duplicity,  and  he  knew  it,  consequently  he 
sent  Colonel  Thomas  L.  Crittenden  in  his  place,  who 
gave  Governor  Morton  the  following  letter  on  the 
30th :  — 

"DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  been  instructed  by  the  Hon.  B. 
Magoffin,  governor  of  the  State  of  Kentucky,  to  solicit  the 
cooperation  of  yourself  and  the  Hon.  William  Dennison,  gov 
ernor  of  the  State  of  Ohio,  in  an  effort  to  bring  about 
*  truce  between  the  general  government  and  the  seceded 


68         LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

States  until  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  extraordinary  session, 
in  the  hope  that  the  action  of  that  body  may  point  out  the 
way  to  a  peaceful  solution  of  our  national  troubles." 

The  next  day  Governor  Morton  replied  as  follows  :  — • 

"  STATE  OF  INDIANA,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 
"INDIANAPOLIS,  May  1,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR,  —  In  reply  to  the  note  of  Colonel  T.  L.  Crit- 
tenden,  of  yesterday's  date,  informing  me  that  he  had  been 
instructed  by  you  to  solicit  the  cooperation  of  Governor 
Dennison  and  myself,  '  in  an  effort  to  bring  about  a  truce 
between  the  general  government  and  the  seceded  States 
until  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  extraordinary  session,'  it 
becomes  my  duty  to  state  that  I  do  not  recognize  the  right 
of  any  State  to  act  as  a  mediator  between  the  federal  gov 
ernment  and  a  rebellious  State.  I  hold  that  Indiana  and 
Kentucky  are  but  integral  parts  of  the  nation,  and  as  such 
are  subject  to  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and 
bound  to  obey  the  requisitions  of  the  President,  issued  in  pur 
suance  of  his  constitutional  authority;  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
every  state  government  to  prohibit,  by  all  means  in  its  power, 
the  transportation  from  within  its  own  limits  of  arms,  mili 
tary  stores,  and  provisions  to  any  State  in  open  rebellion 
and  hostility  to  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  restrain  her  citizens  from  all  acts  giving  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  enemy  ;  that  there  is  no  ground  in  the  Con 
stitution  midway  between  the  government  and  a  rebel 
lious  State,  upon  which  another  State  can  stand,  hold 
ing  both  in  check;  that  a  State  must  take  her  stand 
upon  the  one  side  or  the  other ;  and  I  invoke  the  State 
of  Kentucky  by  all  the  sacred  ties  that  bind  us  together, 
to  take  her  stand  with  Indiana  promptly  and  efficiently 
on  the  side  of  the  Union,  the  action  of  the  federal  govern 
ment  in  the  present  contest  being  strictly  in  accordance 


HIS   SERVICES   TO  NEIGHBORING   STATES.          69 

with  the  Constitution  and  the  law  of  the  land  ;  and  en 
tertaining  the  views  above  indicated,  I  am  compelled  to 
decline  the  cooperation  solicited  by  you.  I  take  this  oc 
casion  to  renew  the  expression  of  my  earnest  desire  that 
Kentucky  may  remain  in  the  Union,  and  that  the  intimate 
political,  social,  and  commercial  relations  which  exist  between 
her  and  Indiana  may  never  be  disturbed,  but  be  cemented 
and  strengthened  through  all  coming  years. 
u  Very  respectfully, 

"  O.  P.  MORTON,  Governor  of  Indiana. 
"  To  HON.  B.  MAGOFFIN,  Governor  of  Kentucky." 

Two  days  after  the  appointed  time  Magoffin  went 
to  Cincinnati,  but  both  of  the  loyal  governors  had 
left  before  he  arrived,  as  he  probably  intended  they 
should,  and  the  meeting  never  took  place.  The  whole 
scheme  was  doubtless  part  of  Magoffin's  plan  to  cover 
up  his  disloyal  purposes. 

Early  in  May,  Governor  Morton,  in  conjunction  with 
the  governors  of  Ohio  and  Illinois  (who  were  then  at 
Indianapolis),  united  in  a  memorial  to  the  President, 
urging  the  government  "  at  an  early  day  to  take  pos 
session  in  force  of  prominent  points  in  Kentucky,  such 
as  Louisville,  Covington,  Newport,  etc.%  and  the  rail 
roads  leading  from  them  to  the  South."  For  this 
work  they  recommended  that  loyal  Kentuckians  should 
be  used  if  they  could  be  found,  and  they  added :  — 

"  If  Kentuckians  cannot  be  found,  United  States  regulars 
would  be  the  next  best  for  the  purpose;  but  in  our  judgment 
they  should  be  occupied  at  an  early  day,  if  it  has  to  be  done 
by  the  volunteer  forces  from  adjoining  States.  We  believe 
this  course  will  save  Kentucky  to  the  Union,  otherwise  that 
in  the  end  the  secessionists  will  control  her." 


70         LIFE  AND  SERVICES   OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

But  the  government  was  slow  to  move,  and  "  Ken 
tucky  neutrality  "  was  treated  very  tenderly.  In  June, 
1861,  the  gallant  and  loyal  Rousseau  determined  to 
raise  a  force  of  Kentucky  Unionists,  and  received 
authority  from  the  President  to  that  end.  At  a  public 
meeting,  however,  held  in  Louisville,  it  was  decided 
that  the  encampment  ought  not  to  be  in  Kentucky,  and 
Rousseau  was  accordingly  invited  to  estabMsh  his  camp 
and  rendezvous  at  Jeffersonville,  Indiana.  Thus  In 
diana  furnished  the  first  rallying-point  for  the  Ken 
tucky  Unionists.  At  this  time  Governor  Morton  was 
in  constant  communication  with  General  Rousseau  and 
other  loyal  Kentuckians,  encouraging  and  aiding  them 
by  every  means  in  his  power.  He  gave  permission  to 
citizens  of  Indiana  to  enlist  in  Kentucky  regiments, 
and  allowed  a  company  of  cavalry  in  Knox  County  and 
one  in  Dearborn  County  to  be  recruited  for  a  Kentucky 
regiment.  He  also  exerted  himself  to  procure  arms 
for  the  Kentucky  troops  who,  having  no  governor  to 
look  after  their  wants,  had  to  rely  on  Governor  Morton 
for  this  and  numberless  other  services.  Meanwhile, 
events  followed  each  other  rapidly,  and  "Kentucky 
neutrality  "  was  swept  out  of  sight.  The  new  Legisla 
ture  having  by  a  large  majority  decided  to  remain  in 
the  Union,  the  rebels  determined  to  invade  the  State, 
and  in  September  General  Zollicoffer  entered  it  in 
force.  This  movement  created  widespread  alarm  in 
Kentucky.  On  the  2d  of  October,  1861,  Governor 
Morton  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  Indiana, 
in  which,  after  reciting  the  invasion  of  Kentucky,  he 
Baid :  — 


HIS   SERVICES   TO   NEIGHBORING   STATES.          71 

"  These  rebel  troops  have  entered  the  State  from  the 
southeast  through  the  Cumberland  Gap;  also,  from  the 
southwest,  occupying  Columbus  and  other  points,  but  chiefly 
from  the  direction  of  Nashville,  toward  Louisville,  seizing 
and  holding  the  Nashville  and  Louisville  road,  up  to  within 
forty  miles  of  Louisville.  A  glance  at  the  map  will  show 
the  immense  importance  of  their  position,  and  the  advan 
tages  they  have  gained.  From  their  camps  south  of  Louis 
ville  they  can  communicate,  by  railroad,  with  every  seceding 
State  but  two;  and  can  thus  transport  to  their  aid,  in  a  few 
hours,  men  and  munitions  of  war  from  every  part  of  the 
South.  It  is  the  determination  of  the  invaders  and  con 
spirators  to  subjugate  the  loyal  people  of  Kentucky,  and 
seize  for  plunder  and  vengeance  the  wealthy  and  populous 
cities  on  the  border  of  Ohio  and  Indiana. 

"  It  should  require  no  argument  or  appeal  now  to  arouse 
the  people  of  Indiana  to  put  forth  all  their  strength.  When 
our  State  was  in  her  infancy,  the  brave  men  of  Kentucky 
came  to  the  rescue  of  our  people  from  the  scalping-knife  of 
the  savage,  and  their  blood  is  mingled  with  our  soil  on  many 
a  field.  And  shall  we  not  stand  by  Kentucky  now,  in  this, 
her  hour  of  peril?  Not  to  do  so  were  base  ingratitude  and 
criminal  folly.  We  can  best  defend  Indiana  by  repelling 
the  invader  from  Kentucky,  and  carry  the  war  thence  to  the 
hearts  of  the  rebellious  States 

u  I,  therefore,  call  upon  all  men  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
and  who  can  leave  their  homes,  to  cast  aside  their  ordinary 
pursuits  and  enroll  themselves  in  the  ranks  of  the  army. 
Let  the  farmer  leave  his  plow,  the  merchant  his  store,  the 
mechanic  his  workshop,  the  banker  his  exchange,  and  the 
professional  man  his  office,  and  devote  themselves  to  their 
country,  and  by  enrolling  themselves  either  in  the  armies  of 
the  general  government  or  under  the  military  law  of  the 
State,  be  prepared  to  defend  their  country  and  their  homes. 
Every  man  in  the  State  capable  of  bearing  arms  should  be 
in  the  service  of  the  general  government  or  the  State. 


72         LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

Let  personal  ease  and  private  interests  submit  to  the  over 
ruling  necessities  of  the  hour,  and  let  us  show  the  world,  by 
the  sacrifices  we  are  willing  to  make  in  person  and  property, 
that  we  are  worthy  of  our  sires,  and  deserve  to  retain  the 
inheritance  they  have  bequeathed  to  us." 

At  this  time  Indiana's  quota  was  already  more  than 
full,  but  this  appeal  gave  a  new  impulse  to  volunteer 
ing  and  resulted  in  large  accessions  to  the  Union  forces. 
The  troops  now  recruited  were  speedily  organized, 
equipped,  and  sent  into  Kentucky,  some  of  them  joining 
Buell's  command  south  of  Louisville,  and  others  going 
to  meet  Zollicoffer  in  the  southeast.  Without  tracing 
in  detail  the  movements  that  followed,  it  is  enough  to 
say  that  they  ended  in  completely  breaking  the  rebel 
power  in  Kentucky,  and  driving  them  from  the  State. 
Governor  Morton's  energy  in  this  emergency  was  uni 
versally  recognized  as  "of  immense  value  to  Kentucky 
and  the  Union  cause. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  instances  of  Governor 
Morton's  readiness  in  every  emergency,  and  of  his  great 
service  to  Kentucky,  was  on  the  occasion  of  General 
Kirby  Smith's  raid  into  that  State  in  August,  1862. 
In  response  to  the  call  of  the  government  for  troops 
to  defend  Washington,  Indiana,  through  Governor  Mor 
ton,  had  responded  so  nobly  as  to  elicit  from  Secretary 
Stanton  the  laconic  dispatch  to  the  Governor,  "  Well 
done,  Indiana."  The  third  call  for  troops  (300,000 
more)  had  just  been  issued,  and  Governor  Morton  had 
telegraphed  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  August  9th,  that 
'*  Indiana's  quota  of  21,200  men  would  be  raised  in 


HIS   SERVICES   TO  NEIGHBORING   STATES.          73 

twenty  days."  On  the  8th  of  August,  Major-general 
Buell  telegraphed  to  Governor  Morton  from  Hunts- 
ville,  Alabama,  that  "  a  formidable  raid  threatened 
Kentucky,"  and  urged  that  u  troops  be  at  once  sent  to 
General  Boyle."  In  this  emergency  the  Unionists  of 
Kentucky  and  the  officers  in  command  there  looked  to 
Governor  Morton  as  their  main  stay.  August  10th, 
General  Boyle  telegraphed  him  that  the  rebels  were 
invading  Kentucky,  and  begged  him  to  send  any  forces 
he  could  possibly  spare.  On  the  llth  he  sent  seven 
companies,  fully  armed  and  equipped,  to  Frankfort. 
On  the  same  day,  in  compliance  with  General  Boyle's 
requisition,  he  sent  two  car-loads  of  ammunition  to 
Frankfort  from  the  Indiana  arsenal. 

On  the  12th  General  Buell  telegraphed  from  Hunts- 
vine  that  "  Morgan  had  crossed  the  Cumberland,"  and 
urged  "  that  the  governors  of  Indiana  and  Ohio  be 
called  upon  for  troops  at  once."  Before  night  the 
telegraphic  communication  between  Indianapolis  and 
Louisville  was  broken  for  forty  miles,  but  the  Seven 
tieth  Indiana  had  already  marched,  and  was  at  Bowling 
Green  the  evening  of  the  14th.  On  the  16th  and  17th 
two  regiments  were  sent  ;  these,  with  the  troops  before 
dispatched,  being  the  first  troops  sent  to  the  aid  of 
Kentucky  from  any  quarter. 

On  Sunday,  the  17th,  late  at  night,  Governor  Mor 
ton  received  a  telegram  that  "  the  rebels  had  invaded 
that  State  at  several  points,  had  captured  Somerset, 
and  were  marching  upon  Glasgow,  Bowling  Green,  and 
other  points."  The  same  day  all  communication  was 


74        LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

cut  off  with  General  Buell,  and  the  fact  became  evident 
that  an  invasion  of  Kentucky  was  intended.  On  Mon 
day,  the  18th,  Colonel  Carrington,  Eighteenth  United 
States  Infantry,  reported  to  Governor  Morton,  as  chief 
mustering  officer  of  the  State.  Before  night  the 
Seventy-first  Regiment  was  mustered  into  the  service, 
armed.  During  the  night  of  the  18th,  though  stormy, 
the  Twelfth,  Sixteenth,  Sixty-eighth,  and  Sixty-ninth 
Regiments  were  addressed  by  the  Governor,  and  all 
responded  with  enthusiasm  and  promptness.  On  the 
morning  of  the  19th  of  August  patriotic  citizens  and 
bankers  advanced  funds  on  account  of  the  United 
States,  in  all  nearly  half  a  million  of  dollars,  and  the 
Twelfth  and  Sixteenth  were  mustered  and  paid  during 
the  day,  and  the  Sixty-eighth  and  Sixty-ninth  by  can 
dle-light  during  the  night,  so  that  they  moved  before 
morning  to  Kentucky.  In  like  manner  other  regiments 
were  urged  forward.  There  was  no  cessation  of  labor 
by  night  or  day.  The  following  summary  of  telegrams 
from  Governor  Morton  to  General  Boyle  and  others 
will  show  how  the  work  progressed  after  the  first  few 
regiments  left:  August  17 —  "I  send  1,000  men  to 
night  ;  7,000  to-morrow  and  Tuesday."  The  Twelfth, 
Sixteenth,  Sixty-fifth,  Sixty-sixth,  Sixty-seventh,  Sixty- 
eighth,  Seventieth,  Seventy-first,  and  Seventy-second 
Regiments  were  all  thereby  placed  in  the  field  up  to 
and  including  this  date.  August  21  —  u  I  sent  another 
regiment  last  night;  a  battery  will  go  to-morrow." 
"The  Sixty-ninth  has  started."  "The  Seventy-fifth 
eaves  at  6  P.  M.  ;  the  Seventy-fourth  at  9  P.  M.,  to-day, 


HIS  SERYICES   TO  NEIGHBORING   STATES.          75 

for  Louisville."  August  23 —  "Will  have  at  least 
seventeen  additional  regiments  ready  for  arms  this  time 
next  week."  August  26  —  "  The  Seventy-ninth  leaves 
Tuesday  ;  will  hurry  others."  "  Indiana  has  put  14,480 
men  in  Kentucky  up  to  Friday  last ;  will  make  it 
19,296  by  Thursday,  this  week."  This  includes  two 
batteries.  August  27  —  "  Another  regiment  can  leave 
to-morro\v.  One  leaves  this  evening."  August  30  — 
"The  Eighty-ninth  leaves  this  afternoon."  "The 
Eighty-first  and  Eighty-second  will  be  armed  to-day." 
"Two  regiments  will  start  to-morrow,  and  five  more 
will  be  ready  next  week."  August  31  —  "The  Eighty- 
eighth  is  at  the  depot."  "  The  Eighty-seventh  will  be 
in  Louisville  to-morrow  morning."  "  Two  regiments 
leave  to-day,  and  two  more  to-night."  The  Eighteenth, 
Nineteenth,  Twentieth,  Twenty-first,  Twenty-second, 
Twenty-third,  and  Twenty-fourth  Batteries  were  organ 
ized,  and  several  of  them  took  the  field.  The  remain 
ing  battalion  of  the  Fourth  Cavalry  was  sent  to  Ken 
tucky,  and  the  Fifth  was  hastened  with  all  possible 
dispatch  for  border  defense.  The  river  towns  were  oc 
cupied  by  the  state  militia,  and  at  the  Indiana  arsenal 
nearly  seven  hundred  employees  were  engaged  day  and 
night  in  the  fabrication  of  ammunition,  averaging 
300,000  rounds  daily.  Such  was  the  month  of  August, 
followed  up  in  September  with  the  same  spirit  and 
vigor. 

On  the  29th  and  30th  of  August  was  fought  the  bat 
tle  of  Richmond,  Kentucky,  and  although  it  resulted 
disastrously  to  the  Union  troops,  it  checked  Genera] 


76        LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

Smith's  advance,  and  gave  time  to  put  Cincinnati,  which 
was  his  objective  point,  in  a  state  of  defense.  In  this 
battle  there  were  six  Indiana,  one  Kentucky,  and  one 
Ohio  regiment,  besides  some  Kentucky  cavalry.  The 
opposing  force  was  nearly  three  times  as  great.  The 
Indiana  troops  had  only  been  in  the  service  from  two 
to  three  weeks ;  the  rebels  were  veterans.  In  a  dis 
patch  to  President  Lincoln,  dated  September  1,  General 
Boyle  said :  — 

"  Our  troops,  especially  the  Indianians,  fought  with  the 
courage  and  gallantry  of  veterans.  If  Ohio  and  Illinois  had 
supported  Indiana,  and  had  sent  their  troops  on,  the  issue  of 
the  battle  would  have  been  different.  Governor  Morton  has 
sent  to  this  State  since  I  have  been  in  command  here  over 
twenty  thousand  men.  If  other  States  had  done  so  well  we 
could  have  overwhelmed  the  enemy.  I  deplore  the  loss  that 
noble  Indiana  has  sustained  under  the  circumstances.  It 
was  important  to  meet  the  enemy  before  he  reached  the 
centre  of  the  State  or  crossed  it,  and  Indiana,  appreciating 
the  importance  of  it,  sent  her  gallant  soldiers  to  meet  the 
foe,  no  doubt  feeling  that  they  would  be  supported  by  Ohio, 
Illinois,  and  Kentucky." 

But  this  formidable  raid  was  not  yet  ended,  and 
Governor  Morton's  energies  were  to  be  still  further 
tested.  On  Wednesday,  September  3d,  dispatches  from 
John  Morgan  to  Kirby  Smith  were  intercepted,  disclos 
ing  his  intention  to  unite  with  Smith  at  or  near  Lex 
ington.  On  the  same  day  Frankfort  was  evacuated  by 
the  Federals.  This  was  followed  by  the  evacuation  of 
Lexington  and  the  advance  of  Kirby  Smith  upon  Cin 
cinnati.  On  the  5th  of  September  Governor  Morton 


HIS   SERVICES   TO   NEIGHBORING   STATES.          77 

declared  martial  law  in  the  river  counties  of  Indiana 
and  put  the  citizens  on  daily  drill  after  3  o'clock  p.  M. 
On  the  same  day  he  urged  the  immediate  withdrawal 
of  the  troops  at  Bowling  Green.  This  was  at  once 
done,  and  saved  them  from  the  disaster  that  subse 
quently  befell  the  garrison  at  Munfordsville.  The  same 
day  Louisville  became  equally  with  Cincinnati  a  point 
of  threatened  danger.  On  the  6th  the  Eighty-fifth 
and  Eighty-sixth  Regiments  were  sent  to  Cincinnati, 
and  during  the  evening  a  requisition  was  received  for 
a  supply  of  ammunition  for  the  24-  and  32-pound  siege 
guns  then  in  position  before  Covington,  Kentucky.  Ar 
tillery,  small  arms,  and  ammunition  were  also  greatly 
needed  at  that  point.  The  State  had  no  heavy  ord 
nance,  and  the  Pittsburg  arsenal  was  relied  upon  to 
furnish  supplies  for  the  armament  of  forts  and  vessels. 
But  by  the  efforts  of  Colonel  H.  Sturm,  state  ordnance 
officer  of  Indiana,  acting  under  orders  from  Governor 
Morton,  the  following  ammunition  was  made  up  for 
shipment:  784  12-pound  shot,  fixed;  480  do.  case  shot, 
fixed  ;  560  do.  shell,  fixed;  144  rounds  canister,  fixed  ; 
1,450  32-pound  shell  and  canister,  fixed;  and  720,000 
rounds  small  arms  ammunition,  making  a  total,  with 
other  shipments  during  eight  days,  of  33,136  rounds 
for  artillery,  and  3,365,000  for  small  arms,  the  entire 
amount  having  been  made  at  the  state  arsenal.  On  the 
occasion  referred  to  wagons  and  drays  were  impressed 
into  the  service,  a  train  was  soon  ready,  and  in  fifteen 
hours  from  the  receipt  of  the  dispatch  the  ammunition, 
3,000  muskets,  and  24  pieces  of  artillery  were  delivered 


78         LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.  MORTON. 

at  Cincinnati  and  Covington,  and  were  in  position  for 
use. 

Governor  Morton,  accompanied  by  a  staff  of  com 
petent  officers,  went  to  Cincinnati  to  organize  the  forces 
for  the  defense  of  that  city.  Major-general  Lewis 
Wallace  of  Indiana  was  placed  in  command  and  ac 
quitted  himself  with  great  credit.  It  is  but  just  to  say 
tnat  the  people  of  Cincinnati  and  of  other  portions  of 
the  State  of  Ohio,  and  the  city  and  state  authorities,  did 
their  entire  duty  in  this  emergency ;  but  it  is  not  within 
the  scope  of  this  narrative  to  enter  into  further  detail 
than  is  necessary  to  illustrate  the  acts  and  services  of 
Governor  Morton.  The  result  of  all  these  efforts  was 
that  the  enemy  was  deterred  from  attacking  the  city 
and  finally  fell  back  before  the  advance  of  Union  troops. 
Governor  Morton's  services  in  this  perilous  crisis  were 
so  highly  appreciated  that  the  City  Council  of  Cin 
cinnati  ordered  his  portrait  to  be  painted  by  a  cele 
brated  artist,  and  it  now  hangs  in  the  council  chamber. 

But  the  danger  to  Cincinnati  being  passed  that  of 
Louisville  seemed  imminent,  and  this  called  for  further 
activity  on  the  part  of  Governor  Morton.  September 
17th  he  telegraphed  to  General  Boyle,  urging  that  the 
city  be  at  once  fortified,  and  recommending  that  business 
be  suspended,  and  all  citizens  be  put  under  drill.  He 
also  urged  immediate  action  for  the  relief  of  the  garri 
son  at  Munfordsville,  and  took  steps  for  securing  light 
draught  boats  for  temporary  gunboat  service  in  patrol 
ling  the  river.  On  the  same  day,  Munfordsville,  after 
a  gallant  resistance,  though  assailed  by  General  Bragg's 


HIS   SERVICES   TO  NEIGHBORING   STATES.          79 

entire  army,  surrendered,  including  the  following  garri 
son,  viz :  The  Sixtieth,  Sixty-seventh,  Sixty-eighth, 
Eighty-ninth,  and  part  of  the  Seventeenth  Indiana  In 
fantry  ;  one  section  of  the  Fourth  Ohio  Battery,  and 
Captain  Hunt's  Kentucky  Cavalry.  On  September  22d, 
General  Bragg  demanded  the  surrender  of  Louisville. 
Governor  Morton  and  staff  at  once  proceeded  to  that 
city  to  make  ample  provisions  for  full  issues  to  the  In 
diana  troops,  many  of  whom  necessarily  left  without 
complete  equipments,  and  a  competent  officer  was  sent 
to  New  Albany  and  vicinity  to  plan  works  to  cover  the 
fords  and  lowlands  west  of  Louisville.  Subsequent 
events  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  Bragg,  the  arrival 
of  General  Buell's  command,  the  battle  of  Perrysville, 
and  the  failure  of  the  invasion. 

Thus,  in  a  little  over  one  month,  Indiana  had  organ 
ized  over  30,000  three  years'  troops,  had  borne  the 
burden  of  the  battles  of  Richmond  and  Munfordsville, 
had  assisted  in  the  trenches  at  Cincinnati  and  Louis 
ville,  and  taken  part  in  all  the  events  of  this  memora 
ble  campaign.  Such,  in  brief,  is  an  outline  of  the  part 
borne  by  Indiana  and  her  War  Governor  in  the 
"  Kirby  Smith  Campaign  "  of  1862. 

Again,  in  May,  1864,  when  John  Morgan  invaded 
Kentucky,  General  Burbridge  telegraphed  to  Governor 
Morton  for  four  regiments.  The  response  was :  "  One 
regiment  leaves  to-night,  another  to-morrow,  and  two 
more  next  day."  A  fortnight  later  word  came  from 
Louisville  :  "  The  city  is  in  danger.  We  want  four  or 
five  thousand  men."  Troops  were  sent  immediately. 


80         LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

The  same  day  General  Hobson  telegraphed  from  Cov- 
ington  for  "  any  troops  you  can  send  me  to  Louisville 
or  Frankfort."  Kentucky  had  then  taken  every  man 
of  Indiana's  troops  that  the  Governor  had.  He  called 
out  the  militia  of  several  counties,  and  placed  it  in  the 
best  position  for  service  either  at  home  or  across  the 
Ohio  River.  A  regiment  of  reenlisted  veterans,  just 
arrived  at  Indianapolis  on  the  short  furlough  given  to 
reenlisted  men,  at  once  volunteered  to  go  to  Kentucky, 
and  were  promptly  sent  to  the  relief  of  Governor  Brain- 
lette,  besieged  in  Frankfort.  A  portion  of  the  Indiana 
Legion  was  sent  to  guard  the  Louisville  and  Nashville 
Railroad.  By  every  effort,  and  at  every  point,  Indiana 
threw  herself  forward  to  protect  Kentucky.  Thus  re 
peatedly  and  in  every  emergency  Governor  Morton 
came  to  the  rescue  of  Kentucky  during  the  war,  until 
he  actually  became  known  in  familiar  parlance  as  the 
"  Governor  of  Indiana  and  Kentucky."  His  great  ser 
vices  in  this  regard  were  fully  appreciated  at  the  time, 
and  are  still  remembered  by  the  Union  men  of  Ken 
tucky.  In  acknowledging  them  after  one  of  the  inva 
sions  above  referred  to,  the  "  Louisville  Journal "  (the 
lamented  George  D.  Prentice  being  the  writer)  said  :  — 

•"He  has  been  emphatically  Kentucky's  guardian  spirit 
from  the  very  commencement  of  the  dangers  that  threatened 
her  existence.  Kentucky  and  the  whole  country  owe  him  a 
large  debt  of  gratitude.  Oh,  that  all  the  public  functionaries 
of  the  country  were  as  vigilant,  as  clear-sighted,  as  energetic, 
as  fearless,  as  chivalric  as  he." 

Shortly  after  Kentucky  was  cleared  of  rebel  troops, 


HIS   SERVICES   TO   NEIGHBORING   STATES.          81 

a  wealthy  lady  of  Covington  in  that  State  visited  some 
friends  in  Indianapolis,  and  on  the  second  day  of  her 
visit  inquired  for  Governor  Morton.  Upon  ascertain 
ing  that  he  was  absent  and  would  not  return  for  several 
days,  she  prolonged  her  visit  somewhat.  The  day  for 
the  Governor's  return  having  arrived,  and  he  not  ap 
pearing,  the  lady  extended  her  visit  still  several  days 
more,  saying  she  would  not  leave  Indiana  until  she  had, 
seen  him.  A  friend  inquiring  of  her  the  reason  why 
she  was  so  anxious  to  see  the  Hoosier  governor,  she 
replied :  "  Because  he  is  our  governor  as  well  as 
yours,  and  has  been  ever  since  the  beginning  of  the 
rebellion." 

I 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE  SOLDIER'S    FRIEND. 

GOVERNOR  MORTON  has  been  called  "  The  Soldier's 
Friend,"  and  he  fairly  earned  the  title  by  his  indefati 
gable  efforts  in  their  behalf.  These  efforts  were  di 
rected  not  only  towards  securing  for  the  Indiana  sol 
diers  the  best  possible  equipment  in  the  way  of  arms, 
thus  adding  to  their  efficiency  and  safety  in  the  field, 
but  to  seeing  that  they  were  well  clothed  and  supplied 
with  every  comfort  that  could  possibly  be  supplied  in 
time  of  war.  In  August,  1861,  being  then  in  Wash 
ington,  and  foreseeing  that  the  Indiana  soldiers  in  the 
mountains  of  Western  Virginia  would  soon  need  over 
coats,  he  telegraphed  the  state  officers  to  urge  the 
United  States  Quartermaster  at  Indianapolis  "  to  get 
overcoats  of  any  good  material  and  not  wait  for  a  pub 
lic  letting.  Do  have  them  made  at  once.  The  men 
are  suffering  for  them  and  I  am  distressed  for  them." 
The  officer  above  referred  to  was  captious  and  unac 
commodating,  and  application  was  made  to  the  United 
States  Quartermaster  at  Cincinnati  for  four  thousand 
overcoats.  They  were  forwarded  in  care  of  the  com 
manding  officer  in  West  Virginia,  but  owing  to  the 
confusion  of  the  times  and  somebody's  blundering,  they 


THE  SOLDIER'S  FRIEND.  83 

miscarried.  After  much  telegraphing  and  sending  one 
or  two  special  messengers  to  trace  uf  the  lost  articles, 
the  Governor  finally  received  a  dispatch  from  General 
Reynolds,  in  Western  Virginia,  saying  :  «  Clothing  is 
coming  forward.  In  a  few  days  we  shall  have  a  supply 
for  the  Thirteenth,  Fourteenth,  Fifteenth,  and  Seven 
teenth  Regiments,  except  shoes,  socks,  and  caps ;  the 
last  are  not  so  important.  Shoes  and  socks  much 
needed.  These  regiments  have  suffered  greatly,  but 
not  a  man  among  them  has  any  fault  to  find  with  the 
governor  of  the  State.  They  are  all  informed  of  the 
exertion  made  in  their  behalf  and  appreciate  it." 

Again,  in  the  autumn  of  1861,  being  unable  to  get  a 
supply  of  overcoats  from  the  general  government  in 
time  to  protect  the  men  from  approaching  winter, 
Governor  Morton  went  to  New  York  and  purchased 
twenty-nine  thousand  overcoats.  For  a  portion  he  paid 
the  regular  government  price  of  $7.75,  and  for  the  re 
mainder  $9.25  each.  They  were  immediately  forwarded, 
and  the  men  made  comfortable.  On  presentation  of 
the  bill,  the  Quartermaster-general  refused  to  pay  more 
than  the  regulation  price  on  any  of  the  coats,  leaving 
the  difference  of  $1.50  on  a  large  number  of  coats  to 
be  settled  by  the  State.  When  informed  of  this  decis 
ion,  Governor  Morton  replied :  "  Indiana  will  not  allow 
her  troops  to  suffer  if  it  be  in  her  power  to  prevent  it, 
and  if  the  general  government  will  not  purchase  sup 
plies  at  current  rates,  Indiana  will"  And  that  was 
his  spirit  from  the  beginning.  With  him  the  question 
was  not,  "  Will  the  government  pay  ?  "  but  always, 


84         LIFE   AND   SERVICES  OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

"  What  do  the  men  need  ?  "  and  this  ascertained,  their 
wants  were  supplied  if  money  and  energy  could  do  it. 
But  as  winter  came  on  the  wants  of  the  men  increased 
faster  than  they  could  be  met  by  regular  means.  Many 
articles  unknown  to  the  regulations  were  needed  for 
camp  and  hospital.  Some  of  these  the  government 
could  not  purchase  because  they  were  not  in  the  mar 
ket,  and  others  it  would  not  furnish.  Governor  Mor 
ton  determined  to  meet  this  want  and,  as  far  as  lay 
in  his  power,  make  the  Indiana  soldiers  comfortable  in 
spite  of  army  regulations  and  red  tape  inefficiency.  He 
therefore  issued  the  following  proclamation  :  — 

"  To  THE  PATRIOTIC  WOMEN  OF  INDIANA  :  — 

"  When  the  President  issued  his  first  call  to  the  loyal 
States  for  help,  the  government  was  unprovided  with  most, 
if  not  all,  of  the  articles  necessary  to  the  comfort  and 
health  of  soldiers  in  the  camp  and  in  the  field.  The  women 
of  Indiana  were  appealed  to,  and  they  supplied  the  defi 
ciency  in  our  State  with  a  generous  alacrity  which  entitles 
them  to  the  gratitude  of  the  nation.  The  approach  of  wiji- 
ter  makes  it  necessary  to  appeal  to  them  again.  Our  volun 
teers,  already  suffering  from  exposure,  against  which  they 
are  inadequately  protected,  will  soon  be  compelled  to  en 
dure  the  utmost  severity  of  winter  and  multiplied  dangers 
of  disease.  The  government  is  doing  all  that  can  be  done 
for  them,  but,  when  all  is  done,  they  must  still  lack  many 
comforts  which  men  in  ordinary  pursuits  enjoy,  and  which 
soldiers  need  above  all  others.  Many  articles  of  clothing 
which  to  men  with  houses  over  their  heads  and  warm  fires 
always  near  are  hardly  more  than  a  luxury,  to  men  with  no 
protection  but  a  tent,  no  bed  but  the  ground,  and  whose 
duty  must  be  performed  under  the  unabated  rigors  of  winter, 
are  absolute  necessaries.  They  may  save  many  lives  which 


THE  SOLDIER'S   FRIEND.  85 

will  surely  be  lost  without  them.  These,  the  patriotic 
women  of  Indiana,  it  is  hoped,  will  supply.  An  additional 
blanket  to  every  man  in  our  army  will  preserve  hundreds 
to  their  country  and  to  their  families.  Two  or  three  pairs 
of  good,  strong  socks  will  be  invaluable  to  men  who  must 
often  march  all  day  in  the  snow,  and  without  them  must  lie 
down  with  cold  and  benumbed  feet  on  the  frozen  ground. 
Good  woolen  gloves  or  mittens  will  preserve  their  hands  in 
marching  and  in  handling  their  arms,  and  while  adding 
greatly  to  their  comfort,  will  materially  increase  their  effi 
ciency.  Woolen  shirts  and  drawers,  too,  are  a  necessity  to 
men  exposed  to  such  vicissitudes  of  weather  as  soldiers. 
All  these  articles  the  Indiana  volunteers  ought  to  have  now, 
and  must  before  winter  sets  in,  if  we  would  protect  them 
from  exposure  and  disease,  that  may  be  averted  by  this 
timely  preparation.  Some  of  these  articles  the  government 
does  not  furnish,  and  others  not  in  sufficient  quantities  to 
supply  the  waste  produced  by  the  exposure  of  a  soldier's 
life.  Blankets  cannot  be  purchased.  The  stock  is  com 
pletely  exhausted,  and  the  government  is  soliciting  contri 
butions  from  the  citizens.  Will  not  the  women  of  Indiana 
do  their  share  in  providing  for  the  men  of  Indiana  in  the 
battle-field? 

"  An  hour  of  each  day  for  a  week  given  to  the  manufact 
ure  of  the  articles  named  will  provide  an  ample  store.  Are 
they  not  ready  to  give  that,  and  more,  if  needed  ?  I  urge 
upon  them  the  duty  of  promptly  beginning  the  work.  Let 
them  at  once  forward,  at  the  State's  expense,  to  the  State 
Quartermaster,  such  blankets  as  they  can  spare.  They  will 
be  immediately  and  carefully  sent  to  such  regiments  as  the 
donors  prefer,  if  they  have  any  preference.  Let  them 
singly,  or  by  associations,  set  about  the  manufacture  of 
woolen  shirts,  drawers,  socks,  and  gloves.  The  sewing  so 
cieties  of  our  churches  have  a  wide  field  for  exertion,  wider 
and  grander  than  they  will  ever  find  again.  Will  they  not 
give  their  associations  for  a  time  to  this  beneficent  object? 


86      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

The  numerous  female  benevolent  societies,  by  giving  their 
energies  and  organizations  to  this  work,  can  speedily  pro 
vide  the  necessary  supply.  Let  women  through  the  coun 
try,  who  have  no  opportunity  to  join  such  associations, 
emulate  each  other  in  their  labors,  and  see  who  shall  do 
most  for  their  country  and  its  defenders  in  this  hour  of 
trial. 

"  The  articles  should  be  sent  to  the  quartermaster-general 
of  the  State,  with  a  card  stating  the  name  and  residence  of 
tlie  donor,  and  their  destination,  if  she  has  any  choice. 
The  names  will  be  recorded  and  preserved,  with  the  number 
and  kind  of  articles  sent.  The  women  of  Indiana  alone  can 
meet  this  emergency,  and  to  them  our  volunteers,  as  well  as 
the  government,  look  for  sympathy  and  aid. 

"  O.  P.  MORTON,  Governor  of  Indiana. 

October  10,  1861." 

In  response  to  this  appeal,  an  immense  quantity  of 
the  above  mentioned  articles  and  other  comforts  were 
contributed  by  the  women,  and  forwarded  to  the 
soldiers.  This  was  the  first  organized  effort  of  any 
State  to  make  special  provision  for  its  soldiers,  and 
was  the  forerunner  of  all  the  sanitary  commissions. 
By  degrees  it  expanded  into  a  system  whose  beneficent 
operations  were  felt  in  all  the  armies  of  the  Union. 
Governor  Morton  also  organized  the  "  General  Military 
Agency  of  Indiana,"  for  the  special  benefit  of  Indiana 
soldiers.  A  gentleman  of  well-known  energy  and 
probity  of  character  was  appointed  general  agent,  to 
whom  was  intrusted  the  receipt  and  distribution  of  all 
sanitary  supplies,  the  supervision  of  local  agencies, 
and  the  direction  of  all  matters  relating 'to  the  relief  of 
soldiers.  A  large  number  of  local  and  field  agents 


THE  SOLDIER'S  FRIEND.  87 

were  appointed.     The  former  had  local  offices  at  vari 
ous   points  near  the  field   of  operations.     They  were 
required  to   make   their  offices   the  homes  of  soldiers ; 
to  assist   them  in   getting   transportation  in  returning 
home,  when  they  had  no  money  or  government  passes ; 
to  provide  them  clothing  when,  as  was  too  often  the 
case,  they  were  ragged  and  necessitous ;  to  feed  them  ; 
to  facilitate  every  proper  purpose;  to  take  charge  of 
returning  prisoners,  and  to  provide  everything  which 
their  shocking  destitution  demanded ;  and,  in  short,  to 
exercise  a  careful  guardianship  over  Indiana  soldiers  in 
every  possible  way.     Field  agents  were  expected,  not 
only  to  look  after  the  health  and  comfort  of  the  men, 
but  to  write  letters,  to  take  charge  of  commissions  for 
them  to  their  friends  and  relatives,  to  see  to  the  burial 
of  the   dead,  and   the   preservation  of  relics,  to   keep 
registers  of  the  names  of  all  men  in  hospitals,  with  date 
of  entry,  disease  or  injury,  and,  in  case  of  death,  the 
date  and  cause,  and  other  information  that  eaight  be  of 
interest   to   the   friends.       Governor.,  Morton's  agents 
found  out  Indiana  soldiers  in  every  field  and  in  every 
prison.     Wherever  a    Hoosier   boy  was    heard    of    in 
want  or  suffering,  these  humane  organizations  managed 
to  reach   him.     They   were  on   every  battle-field,   and 
the  echoes  of  the  cannon  had  hardly  died  away  before 
Indiana's  agents   were   there   looking   for  Indiana  sol 
diers.      Through    the  Sanitary   Commission  enormous 
quantities   of    fruit    and    vegetables    were    distributed 
among  Indiana  regiments.     Amid  all  his  other   cares 
the  Governor  found  time  to  give  considerable  personal 


88         LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

attention  and  supervision  to  these  noble  charities.  By 
tongue  and  pen  he  cheered  and  inspired  the  people, 
while  the  vigor  of  his  administration  in  this  regard,  as 
in  others,  made  itself  felt  through  the  whole  body 
•politic.  Local  societies  and  organizations  were  formed, 
and  a  regular  system  of  competitive  patriotism  inaug 
urated.  In  one  of  his  proclamations  on  this  subject  he 
said:  — 

' '  An  effective  working  committee  in  each  ward  and  town 
ship  should  be  at  once  selected,  with  such  assistants  and 
sub-committees  as  may  be  necessary,  who  can  easily  ascer 
tain  the  number  of  families  within  their  limits  requiring  aid, 
and  estimate  the  quantity,  kind,  and  cost  of  all  supplies 
needed  during  the  winter.  Contributions  can  be  taken  up 
accordingly.  In  this  work  the  township  trustees,  and  the 
officers  of  the  various  churches,  will  doubtless  lend  a  willing 
hand.  Especially  do  I  desire  that  ministers  of  the  gospel 
should  present  this  subject  to  their  respective  congregations, 
and  cooperate^  as  far  as  possible,  in  carrying  out  the  gen 
eral  plan  of  jelief." 

IB  another  proclamation,  calling  for  additional  vol 
unteers,  he  said:  — 

"Upon  those  who  remain  at  home  I  would  urge  the 
solemn  duty  of  making  provision  for  the  families  of  those 
who  have  or  may  hereafter  enter  the  army.  The  soldier  in 
the  field  should  have  the  sweet  assurance  that  his  wife  and 
Children,  and  all  who  are  dependent  upon  his  labor  for  a 
living,  will  be  provided  with  sufficient  food  and  clothing. 
Such  an  assurance  would  nerve  his  arm  in  the  hour  of  battle 
and  enable  him  to  bear  with  cheerfulness  the  hardships  and 
privations  of  a  soldier's  life.  It  would  be  a  lasting  disgrace 
to  our  peopl3  if  the  family  of  any  soldier  should  want  for 


THE   SOLDIER'S  FRIEND.  89 

bread  or  raiment  while  our  country  is  full  to  overflowing 
with  all  the  necessaries  of  life." 

In  a  proclamation  issued  in  November,  1862,  he 
called  on  the  people  to  contribute  liberally  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  families  of  soldiers  in  the  field.  After  stat 
ing  the  case,  he  said  :  — 

"  The  truth  of  what  has  been  stated  must  be  apparent  to 
every  one,  and  it  remains  with  the  patriotic  and  liberal  citi 
zens  of  the  State  to  apply  the  proper  remedy.  It  is  their 
solemn  duty  to  see  that  the  needy  are  cared  for;  that,  while 
the  soldier  is  braving  the  perils  of  the  battle-field,  his  wife 
and  children  and  all  who  are  dependent  on  him  are  made 
comfortable  at  home;  and  especially  that  his  children  are 
provided  with  books  and  afforded  opportunity  to  attend 
school.  This  is  not  charity — but  a  sacred  obligation,  which 
should  be  met  promptly  and  willingly,  and  the  recipients 
should  be  made  to  feel  that  they  are  not  objects  of  charity, 
and  that  what  they  receive  is  but  the  partial  discharge  of  a 
debt  of  the  most  binding  character. 

"  It  maybe  urged  by  many  that  they  have  already  given 
largely  and  sacrificed  heavily  for  these  benevolent  objects, 
and  hence  that  they  ought  to  be  excused  from  further  drafts. 
It  may  be  asked,  in  reply,  what  are  these  sacrifices  com 
pared  with  the  sacrifices  of  families  who  have  given  their 
natural  supporters  and  protectors  to  the  cause  of  their  coun 
try  ?  What  is  the  sacrifice  of  the  man  living  comfortably 
at  home,  even  though  he  give  half  his  income,  to  that  of 
the  man  who  has  left  his  family  and  home  and  gone  to  the 
field? 

I  would  therefore  respectfully  and  earnestly  request,  that 
in  every  township,  in  every  town,  and  in  every  ward  of  the 
several  cities  in  the  State,  some  systematic  plan,  by  means 
of  regularly  organized  committees  or  auxiliary  aid  societies, 
be  at  once  adopted  for  relief. ' ' 


90      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

In  another  proclamation  county  and  city  authorities 
throughout  the  State  were  appealed  to  "  to  make  ample 
appropriations  for  the  relief  of  soldiers'  families  in  their 
respective  jurisdictions,'*  and  the  clergy  of  all  denomina 
tions  were  urged  to  address  themselves  to  "  this  great 
work  of  religious  and  patriotic  duty."  Such  sentiments 
as  these  do  honor  to  the  heart  of  him  who  penned  them, 
and  show  what  a  noble  zeal  and  tireless  energy  he 
brought  to  the  service  of  the  State.  Thousands  of  the 
surviving  soldiers  of  Indiana  will  bear  testimony  to  his 
fatherly  care  in  their  behalf,  and  many  a  wife  or  mother 
who  mourns  the  loss  of  her  loved  one  in  the  war  blesses 
the  memory  of  Governor  Morton  for  comforts  carried 
to  the  death-bed,  or  for  dying  messages  brought  by  his 
agents  away  from  the  field  of  battle.  The  history  of 
the  Soldiers'  Relief  System  organized  and  inspired  by 
him,  and  of  the  noble  efforts  of  the  people  of  the  State 
in  response  to  his  calls,  would  alone  fill  a  volume  much 
larger  than  this.  Auxiliary  societies  were  formed  in 
all  parts  of  the  State,  sanitary  fairs  were  held,  appeals 
were  made  from  pulpit  and  platform.  The  result  of 
these  efforts  was  the  contribution  of  enormous  stores  and 
large  sums  of  money,  all  of  which  were  gladly  intrusted 
to  Governor  Morton,  and  by  him  and  his  agents  faith 
fully  distributed  to  the  soldiers.  He  inspired  every  im 
portant  movement,  counseled  in  every  great  emergency, 
kept  popular  interest  excited  by  stirring  appeals,  and, 
though  charged  with  other  duties  as  onerous  as  ever  fell 
upon  the  executive  of  any  State,  and  allowing  nothing 
in  any  of  their  multifarious  details  to  escape  his  vigi- 


THE   SOLDIEE'S   FRIEND.  91 

lance,  he  might  have  been  thought,  by  those  uninformed 
of  his  many  labors,  to  have  had  nothing  at  heart  but 
the  success  of  his  plans  for  the  relief  of  the  soldiers  of 
Indiana  and  their  dependent  and  needy  families.  His 
labors  in  this  regard  were  the  subject  of  universal  com 
ment  and  approval,  and  were  held  up  as  a  matter  for 
emulation  by  the  governors  of  other  States.  The  ag 
gregate  result  of  these  labors,  seconded  by  the  people, 
was  that  during  the  war  over  $600,000  of  money  and 
supplies  were  collected  and  conveyed  to  Indiana  soldiers 
in  camp,  in  fie^d,  in  hospital,  or  in  prison. 

The  limits  of  this  sketch  forbid  more  than  a  mere 
reference  to  Governor  Morton's  labors  in  connection 
with  the  establishment  of  the  Soldiers'  Home  at  Indian 
apolis  where,  during  the  war,  thousands  upon  thousands 
of  Indiana  soldiers  were  fed  and  lodged  during  their  stay 
at  the  capital ;  of  the  «  Ladies'  Home,"  where  the  wives 
and  families  of  soldiers  .in  need  of  temporary  aid  were 
similarly  cared  for;  and  of  the  "Orphans'  Home,"  at 
Knightstown,  for  the  maintenance  and  education  of  the 
orphaned  children  of  Indiana  soldiers.  One  might  sup 
pose  that  his  duties  to  the  general  government  and  his 
gigantic  labors  in  the  raising,  arming,  and  moving  of 
troops  would  have  left  him  little  time  to  look  after 
the  personal  wants  of  soldiers,  and  still  less  of  their 
families ;  but  the  record  shows  that  he  regarded  this  as 
a  sacred  duty,  and  gave  it  all  the  attention  necessary  to 
render  the  system  complete  and  efficient.  His  heart 
was  as  full  of  sympathy  as  his  head  was  of  resources, 
and  in  every  sense  of  the  word  he  was  the  Soldier's 
Friend. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

STATE    DEFENSE    AND    INTERNAL    STATE    TROUBLES. 

ONE  of  the  labors  devolved  on  Governor  Morton  by 
the  war,  and  made  very  important  by  the  exposed  con 
dition  of  our  border  as  well  as  by  tke  condition  of 
affairs  within  the  State,  was  the  organization  of  the 
state  militia.  This  work  had  no  immediate  connection 
with  his  duty  to  the  federal  government,  but  it  never 
theless  performed  an  important  supplementary  part  and 
was  of  great  service  to  the  State.  The  General  As 
sembly,  at  its  special  session  in  1861,  passed  "  An  act 
for  the  Organization  and  Regulation  of  the  Indiana 
Militia."  The  militia  had  not  been  organized  for  thirty 
years,  and  whatever  acts  may  have  existed  relating  to 
the  subject  were  a  dead  letter.  The  act  of  1861  was 
not  a  good  one,  but  it  was  much  better  than  nothing. 
It  was  poorly  suited  for  a  state  of  war,  but  such  as  it 
was  Governor  Morton  made  the  most  of  it.  Under  it 
was  organized  the  "  Indiana  Legion."  This  constituted 
a  very  efficient  force  for  the  protection  of  the  border, 
and  rendered  valuable  service  at  different  times  in  re 
pelling  invasions  of  the  State,  or  suppressing  internal 
disorder.  It  also  constituted  a  sort  of  nursery  for  the 
army,  and  became  an  efficient  aid  in  promoting  enlist- 


STATE  DEFENSE  AND   INTERNAL   TROUBLES.        93 

meDts.  In  one  of  his  messages  to  the  Legislature,  Gov 
ernor  Morton  said :  "  To  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
Indiana  Legion  the  State  chiefly  owes  the  immunity 
she  has  enjoyed  from  invasion,  plunder,  and  murder,  by 
the  guerillas  and  marauding  bands  which  have  infested 
many  of  the  adjoining  counties  of  Kentucky.  On  sev 
eral  occasions  they  met  the  enemy  in  battle,  when  they 
ably  maintained  the  credit  of  the  State,  and  behaved 
with  that  distinguished  courage  which  has  characterized 
the  soldiers  of  Indiana  throughout  this  war."  In  this 
as  in  other  respects  he  showed  remarkable  foresight  in 
providing  for  the  contingencies  of  war  and  protecting 
the  peace  and  honor  of  the  State.  When  the  rebel 
General  John  Morgan  made  his  celebrated  raid  into 
Indiana,  in  July,  1863,  at  the  head  of  2,200  cavalry, 
Governor  Morton  was  able,  by  means  of  the  Legion 
and  hastily  rallied  militia,  not  only  to  protect  the  capital 
and  defeat  Morgan's  designs,  but  to  convert  his  raid 
into  a  desperate  retreat  and  drive  him  pell-mell  out 
of  the  State.  And  when  Morgan  escaped  with  his  force 
into  Ohio,  Governor  Morton  notified  the  governor  of 
that  State  of  the  fact,  and  tendered  him  the  services  of 
5,000  Indiana  state  troops  if  needed  to  assist  in  cap 
turing  the  rebel  raiders. 

A  memorable  phase  of  our  state  history  at  this 
period,  and  one  peculiar  to  Indiana  and  to  Governor 
Morton's  administration,  was  the  secret  disloyal  intrigue 
carried  on  by  certain  parties,  resulting  finally  in  open 
demonstrations  of  treason  and  a  plot  to  carry  the  State 
out  of  the  Union.  The  war  record  of  Indiana  is  a 


94      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

monument  more  enduring  than  brass  to  the  loyalty  and 
patriotism  of  her  people  who  stood  by  the  government ; 
but  there  was  another  class  who  did  all  in  their  power 
to  embarrass  and  cripple  the  efforts  of  Governor  Mor 
ton  to  uphold  the  authority  of  the  nation.     If  the  noble 
sacrifices  of  the   former  are  worthy  to  be  honored  as 
long  as  the  sentiments  of  loyalty  and  patriotism  survive 
in  the  breasts  of  men,  the  infamous  conduct  of  the  lat 
ter  deserves  to  be  held  up  for  execration  to  the  last 
syllable   of   recorded  time.     There  were  disloyal  men 
and  Democratic  rebel   sympathizers  in   nearly  all  the 
Northern  States,  but  nowhere  were  they  so  numerous, 
malignant,  active,  and  well   organized  'as  in   Indiana. 
For  a  little  while  after  the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter  the 
voices  of  these   domestic  traitors  were  hushed  in  the 
great  roar  of  public  patriotism,  but  they  soon  recovered 
confidence,  and  entered  on  a  course  of  political  intrigue 
and  revolutionary  plotting,  which  was  kept  up  during 
the  whole  war.     In  proportion   as   Governor   Morton 
showed  himself  energetic  and  vigorous  in  his  war  pol 
icy,  these  men  hated  and  maligned  him,  and  sought  to 
defeat  his  plans.     They  exerted  themselves  to  weaken 
our  armies  by  encouraging  desertion,  by  discouraging 
or  forcibly   resisting   recruiting,  and  by  crippling   the 
efforts  of  the  state  authorities  to  send  reinforcements 
into  the  field.     They  held   meetings  and  conventions, 
and    passed    resolutions    denouncing    the   war.     They 
labored    to    produce    discontent    and    even    disloyalty 
among  the  soldiers  by  sending  them  papers  and  letters 
condemning  the  war,  urging  desertion  and  promising 


STATE   DEFENSE  AND  INTERNAL   TROUBLES.        95 

protection  to  deserters.  In  nearly  every  county  of  the 
State  they  formed  an  organization  for  resisting  the 
draft,  protecting  deserters,  and  obstructing  enlistments. 
Finally,  they  organized  a  secret  treasonable  society 
known  as  the  "  Sons  of  Liberty,"  for  the  express  pur 
pose  of  aiding  the  rebellion  by  resisting  the  necessary 
demands  of  the  government,  and  prepared  by  the  arm 
ing  and  drilling  of  its  members  to  resort  to  active  hos 
tilities  in  the  prosecution  of  its  infamous  designs.  Dur 
ing  the  winter  of  1861-62  and  the  summer  of  1863, 
the  disloyal  sentiment  was  very  active,  taking  fresh 
heart  from  the  disastrous  result  of  McClellan's  Rich 
mond  campaign  and  the  prevailing  depression  of  the 
Union  cause  at  that  time.  County  and  local  meetings 
were  held  in  many  parts  of  the  State,  which  declared 
the  war  for  the  Union  an  "  abolition  crusade,"  a  "  cruel, 
and  unnecessary  war  against  the  rights  of  the  South ; " 
denounced  President  Lincoln  as  "  a  tyrant  and  usurper," 
Union  soldiers  as  "  Lincoln  hirelings,"  "  Lincoln  dogs," 
etc.  Governor  Morton  was  an  object  of  special  hatred 
to  the  fomenters  of  disloyalty,  and  they  would  gladly 
have  put  him  out  of  the  way  if  they  could.  In  fact, 
it  is  a  matter  of  historical  record  that  they  did  plot  his 
death.  While  he  was  fighting  the  rebellion  in  the 
South  he  had  to  fight  another  incipient  rebellion  at 
home.  In  the  fall  of  1862  the  Democrats  carried  the 
State,  electing  a  majority  of  both  branches  of  the  Legis 
lature.  It  was  a  thoroughly  disloyal  body.  The  first 
exhibition  of  its  temper  was  in  connection  with  the 
Governor's  message,  which  was  as  important  a  docu- 


96      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

ment  as  was  ever  prepared  by  any  state  executive  for  a 
legislature.  It  contained  an  account  of  the  action  of 
the  state  authorities,  from  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  a  period  of  nearly  two  years ;  suggested  necessary 
measures  for  the  better  care  of  our  soldiers'  families ; 
recommended  important  steps,  the  value  of  which  was 
fully  demonstrated  the  following  summer,  for  improv 
ing  the  efficiency  of  the  state  militia ;  and  exhibited 
the  civil  as  well  as  military  condition  of  the  State,  as 
needing  prompt  and  judicious  legislation.  It  was  just 
what  the  Legislature  needed,  and  should  have  been 
anxious  to  obtain.  The  message  was  communicated  by 
Governor  Morton  to  the  Legislature  in  printed  form. 
That  body  declined  to  receive  it,  and  subsequently 
passed  a  joint  resolution  thanking  Governor  Seymour 
of  New  York  "  for  the  able  and  patriotic  defense  of  the 
Constitution,  the  laws,  and  liberties  of  the  American 
citizen  contained  in  his  late  message."  Of  course  this 
was  intended  as  a  studied  insult  to  Governor  Morton, 
and  it  well  illustrates  the  sort  of  recognition  which 
rebel  sympathizers  in  Indiana  gave  to  Governor  Morton 
for  his  noble  efforts  in  sustaining  the  government  dur 
ing  the  war.  This  and  the  subsequent  action  of  this 
disloyal  Legislature  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the 
Indiana  soldiers  in  the  field,  who  made  it  the  occasion, 
not  only  of  rebuking  the  General  Assembly,  but  of 
declaring  their  unwavering  regard  for  the  Governor. 
Thus  at  a  meeting  of  the  officers  of  the  Indiana  regi 
ments  in  the  Department  of  the  Cumberland,  held  at 
Murfreesboro,  Tennessee,  January  26,  1863,  at  which 


STATE   DEFENSE   AND   INTERNAL    TROUBLES.        97 

twenty-two  regiments  of  infantry  and  four  batteries  of 
artillery  were  represented,  a  memorial  was  unanimously 
adopted,  after  having  been  read  by  the  officers  to  all 
the  regiments,  in  which  they  addressed  the  Legislature 
as  follows :  — 

"The  undersigned,  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Indiana 
volunteer  regiments,  submitting  with  patriotic  self-denial 
to  the  policy  which  denied  us  a  voice  in  the  late  election,  and 
approving  the  wisdom  of  that  feature  of  our  government 
which  secures  the  civil  from  the  influence  of  the  military 
power,  nevertheless  desire  to  participate  in  the  preliminary 
councils  which  are  to  shape  the  popular  ideas  of  the  State, 
and  consequently  to  control  the  actions  of  its  Representatives 
in  the  General  Assembly.  We  speak  as  soldiers,  because 
our  lives  are  staked  upon  the  issue  of  the  present  struggle  ; 
as  citizens,  because,  at  no  distant  day,  those  of  us  who  sur 
vive  are  to  share  with  you  the  responsibilities  of  citizenship, 
and  to  experience,  in  common  with  the  people  at  home,  the 
results  of  your  present  deliberations 

"  We  come  boldly  asking  only  what  we  have  a  rio-ht  to 
expect,  either  as  citizens  or  soldiers  battling  for  the  integ 
rity  of  the  Union.  We  ask  simply  that  you  will  give  this 
war  a  cheerful  and  hearty  support ;  that  you  will  strengthen 
and  energize  every  department  of  government,  that  this 
unhappy  struggle  may  be  pressed  to  a  successful  termination; 
that  you  will  pour  out  the  treasure  of  the  State  as  your  sol 
diers  have  poured  out  their  blood  on  the  field  of  battle,  to 
aid  in  the  holy  cause  of  restoring  the  Union  of  our  fathers; 
that  you  will  abstain  from  heated  political  discussions  and 
violent  party  wranglings,  until  the  authority  of  the  govern 
ment  is  once  more  established  ;  that  you  will  resist  the 
infernal  spirit  that  would  waste  victory  in  humiliating  com 
promise,  or  render  temporary  reverses  a  pretext  for  the  alien? 
ation  of  an  unoffending  community;  that  you  will  sacrifice 


98      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER    P.    MORTON. 

everything,  except  liberty  and  political  equality,  to  national 
integrity;  that  you  will  sustain  all  the  officers  of  the  state 
and  general  government  in  their  efforts  to  subdue  this  un 
holy  rebellion;  and  especially  that  you  will  sustain  our  wor 
thy  Governor,  whose  every  energy,  during  the  past  two  years, 
has  been  so  entirely  devoted  to  the  cause  of  the  government 
and  its  supporters. 

"  We  appeal  to  you,  especially,  to  sustain  him,  for  the  rea 
son  that  it  is  chiefly  to  his  unceasing  care  and  labor,  exhibited 
in  arming  and  supporting  the  troops  of  Indiana,  that  we  have 
to  attribute  our  present  proud  position  among  the  loyal 
States  of  the  Union  ;  and  for  the  further  reason,  that  he  has 
demonstrated  by  his  acts  that  he  is  an  earnest  and  zealous 
patriot,  devoting  his  time  with  untiring  energy  to  the  glo 
rious  cause  for  which  we  are  battling. 

"  We  appeal  to  you,  as  our  representatives,  to  encourage 
him  in  the  good  work  of  ministering  to  the  wants  of  our  un 
fortunate  comrades  who  have  been  stricken  down  in  the 
strife  of  the  battle-field  and  by  the  cruelty  of  relentless  dis 
ease;  that  you  will  confer  on  him  all  the  necessary  authority, 
and  place  in  his  hands  the  requisite  means,  to  carry  on  the 
good  work  which  he  has  begun,  remembering  that  one  hu 
man  life  is  worth  all  the  treasures  of  the  proudest  State." 

With  this  memorial  was  transmitted  a  series  of  reso 
lutions  declaring  the  unswerving  loyalty  of  the  soldiers, 
their  determination  to  "  fight  it  out  on  that  line  ;  "  and 
concluding  as  follows  :  ,"  Resolved,  That  we  tender  to 
his  Excellency,  Governor  O.  P.  Morton,  the  thanks  of 
his  grateful  friends  in  the  army  for  his  extraordinary 
efforts  in  their  behalf,  and  assure  him  that  neither  time 
nor  the  corrupting  influence  of  party  shall  ever  estrange 
the  soldier  from  the  soldier's  friend." 

The  officers  arid  men  of  two  regiments  at  Corinth, 


STATE  DEFENSE  AND  INTERNAL   TROUBLES.        99 

Mississippi,  held  a  meeting  January  31, 1863,  and  unan 
imously  adopted  resolutions  from  which  we  quote  as 
follows :  — 

"  Resolved,  That  we  have  watched  the  traitorous  conduct 
of  those  members  of  the  Legislature  of  Indiana  who,  mis 
representing  their  constituency,  have  been  proposing  a  sus 
pension  of  hostilities,  ostensibly  to  arrange  terms  of  peace, 
but  really  to  give  time  for  the  nearly  exhausted  rebels  to  re 
cover  strength,  and  plotting  to  divest  Governor  Morton  of 
the  rights  vested  in  him  by  our  state  Constitution  and  laws, 
and  to  them  we  calmly  and  firmly  say,  beware  of  the  terrible 
retribution  that  is  falling  upon  your  coadjutors  at  the  South, 
and  as  your  crime  is  tenfold  blacker,  will  swiftly  smite  you 
with  tenfold  more  horror  should  you  persist  in  your  damnable 
deeds  of  treason. 

"  Resolved,  That  in  tendering  our  thanks  to  Governor  Mor 
ton  arid  assuring  him  of  our  cordial  support  in  his  efforts  to 
crush  this  inhuman  rebellion,  we  are  deeply  and  feelingly  in 
earnest.  We  have  left  to  the  protection  of  the  laws  he  is  to 
enforce  all  that  is  dear  to  man  —  our  wives,  our  children,  and 
our  homes ;  and  should  the  loathsome  treason  of  madmen, 
who  are  trying  to  wrest  from  him  a  portion  of  his  just  au 
thority,  render  it  necessary,  in  his  opinion,  for  us  to  return 
and  crush  out  treason  at  home,  we  will  promptly  obey  a 
proper  order  to  do  so ;  for  we  despise  a  sneaking  traitor  in 
the  rear  more  than  open  rebels  in  front." 

Similar  resolutions  were  adopted  by  nearly  every 
regiment  of  Indiana  volunteers  in  the  field  and  for 
warded  to  the  Legislature,  but  that  body  either  utterly 
ignored  or  openly  condemned  them.  Such  was  In 
diana  Democracy  during  the  war.  The  action  of  the 
Legislature  in  declining  to  receive  the  message  of  Gov 
ernor  Morton  was  the  key-note  to  all  its  subsequent 


100    LIFE   AND   SERVICES    OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

acts.  It  made  a  most  odious  and  treasonable  record,  and 
finally  adjourned  without  passing  a  single  one  of  the 
appropriation  bills  necessary  to  carry  on  the  state  gov 
ernment,  or  paying  the  slightest  attention  to  any  of  the 
Governor's  recommendations  except  to  spurn  or  de 
nounce  them.  The  failure  to  pass  the  appropriation 
bills  presented  a  new  complication  of  affairs.  In  this 
trying  emergency  Governor  Morton  had  three  courses 
open  before  him  :  first,  to  allow  the  state  institutions 
to  be  closed,  the  interest  on  the  State's  bonds  to  go  un 
paid  and  its  credit  to  become  bankrupt ;  second,  to  call 
a  special  session  of  the  same  Legislature  and  endeavor 
to  shame  it  into  a  performance  of  its  duty ;  third,  to 
devise  extraordinary  means  of  raising  money  to  carry 
along  the  state  government  and  preserve  its  credit. 
He  chose  the  latter  course.  He  organized  a  Bureau  of 
Finance,  appointed  W.  H.  H.  Terrell  financial  secre 
tary,  and  devised  a  new  system  of  state  government. 
He  appealed  to  the  people,  to  private  bankers,  and  to 
various  counties  of  the  State  to  furnish  funds  to  carry 
on  the  state  government,  confident  that  the  next  Leg 
islature  would  be  a  loyal  one  and  justify  his  acts.  The 
response  was  prompt  and  liberal.  Many  counties  made 
appropriations  ranging  from  $2,000  to  $20,000  eacli. 
Private  citizens  advanced  a  considerable  sum,  and  one 
railroad  company  patriotically  loaned  $15,000.  Gov 
ernor  Morton  went  to  Washington,  and  on  his  repre 
sentation  of  the  case  the  general  government  advanced 
him,  as  a  disbursing  officer,  $250,000  out  of  a  special 
ippropriation  for  military  expenses.  Thus,  through 


STATE   DEFENSE   AND   INTERNAL    TKOtBLSS.     U)l 

his  personal  energy  and  efforts,  funds  were  raised  to 
carry  on  the  state  government,  keep  all  the  state  in 
stitutions  open,  and  defray  civil  and  military  expenses. 
The  state  officers  were  hostile  to  his  administration, 
and  he  carried  out  his  plans  entirely  independent  of 
them.  The  Bureau  of  Finance  established  by  him  con 
tinued  from  April,  1863,  to  January,  1865.  The  total 
amount  of  cash  raised  and  received  by  Governor  Mor 
ton,  during  this  period,  was  $1,026,321.31.  Of  this 
amount,  he  disbursed,  through  his  financial  secretary, 
for  civil  purposes  $199,644.93.  and  for  military  pur 
poses  $702,420.15,  making  a  total  of  $902,065.08.  Of 
the  balance  left  in  his  hands  ($124,256.23)  $115,487.18, 
being  part  of  the  military  fund,  was  paid  back  to  the 
general  government,  and  $8,768.95  was  paid  into  the 
state  treasury.  Every  dollar  disbursed  during  the  one 
year  and  nine  months  of  his  financial  administration 
was  paid  on  his  check,  proper  and  sufficient  vouchers 
being  taken  in  all  cases.  Not  a  dollar  was  lost  or  mis 
appropriated.  There  is  no  similar  case  on  record  of 
the  governor  of  a  State  raising  funds  by  his  personal 
efforts  to  support  the  state  government,  and  carrying 
it  along  for  nearly  two  years  without  any  appropriations 
by  the  Legislature  and  without  any  assistance  from  the 
state  officers. 

Meanwhile  the  enemies  of  the  government  continued 
their  secret  plottings  and  overt  demonstrations  through 
out  the  State.  Reference  has  already  been  made  to 
some  of  the  treasonable  practices  by  which  they  sought 
to  embarrass  the  administration  of  Governor  Morton, 


102    EI  FE.  AH  o:  SERVICES  OF  OLIVER  p.  MORTON. 

but  all  of  these,  wicked  as  they  were,  sink  into  insignifi 
cance  when  compared  with  the  step  in  which  they 
finally  culminated.  This  was  nothing  less  than  the 
organization  of  a  secret  treasonable  society,  called 
"Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,"  the  undoubted  purpose 
of  which  was  to  plunge  the  State  into  revolution  and 
precipitate  a  civil  war  in  its  borders.  Space  would 
fail  to  relate  the  numerous  outrages  and  open  acts  of 
treason  perpetrated  by  this  organization  before  it  was 
discovered.  In  some  counties  Union  men  had  been 
driven  from  their  homes,  their  houses  and  barns  had 
been  burned,  draft  officers  had  been  killed,  squads  of 
soldiers  sent  to  arrest  deserters  had  been  fired  upon, 
and  companies  of  rebel  sympathizers  drilled  in  open 
day,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  resisting  the  govern 
ment  authorities.  Governor  Morton  was  the  special 
object  of  their  hatred.  His  life  was  repeatedly  threat 
ened.  Once  he  was  fired  at  as  he  was  leaving  the 
state  house  at  night,  the  bullet  grazing  his  head.1 

1  On  this  point  we  have  unquestionable  authority.  Gen.  H.  B.  Car- 
rington,  at  that  time  United  States  mustering  officer  in  Indiana,  and 
closely  associated  with  the  Governor,  both  officially  and  personally, 
writes  :  "  He  went  unarmed,  was  out  as  duty  required,  and  often 
unattended  at  a  late  hour.  On  one  occasion  he  awakened  me  at  the 
Bates  House  after  midnight,  in  haste,  saying,  '  As  I  left  the  state 
house  for  home,  I  was  fired  at.  The  ball  whizzed  by  me.  You  must 
see  what  is  up  to-night.'  I  got  up,  dressed,  and  went  with  him.  As 
we  approached  his  house  a  second  pistol  shot  was  fired,  a  few  rods 
beyond  and  opposite  the  north  entrance  of  the  state  house.  I  left 
him  until  after  the  arrest  of  the  party  firing,  and  returned  to  his  house. 
He  was  calm,  but  earnest,  saying,  '  They  want  to  kill  me  because  I  am 
governor.  They  can't  do  it.  Indiana  will  support  me,  but  you  must 
watch  those  fellows.  There  must  be  no  risk  just  now.'  "  The  evi- 


STATE   DJEFENSE   AND   INTERNAL   TROUBLES.      103 

These  outrages  became  so  frequent,  and  the  talk  of 
organized  resistance  to  the  draft  so  alarming,  that  in 
June,  1863,  the  Governor  issued  a  proclamation,  recit 
ing  the  act  of  Congress  to  define  and  punish  treasona 
ble  conspiracies,  and  ordering  the  agitators  to  submit  to 
the  laws.  In  this  proclamation,  after  quoting  the  act 
of  Congress  referred  to  (an  act  passed  July  31,  1861), 
Governor  Morton  said  :  — 

"  These  sections  are  very  broad,  and  cover  every  form  of 
opposition  to  the  arrest  of  deserters  and  the  enforcement  of 
the  conscription  law.  By  the  25th  section  it  is  made  a 
high  penal  offense  to  counsel  or  aid  any  person  to  resist  the 
draft ;  to  counsel  any  person  to  assault,  obstruct,  or  hinder 
any  officer  engaged  in  making  the  draft  ;  to  counsel  any 
drafted  man  not  to  appear  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  or 
willfully  dissuade  him  from  the  performance  of  military  duty, 
as  required  by  law.  To  bring  a  case  within  this  section,  it 
is  not  necessary  that  there  should  be  a  conspiracy  or  combi 
nation.  If  one  man  shall  give  to  another  the  counsel  or  ad 
vice  prohibited  in  the  section,  he  is  subject  to  the  punish 
ment  it  prescribes.  Nor  is  it  material  how  he  shall  give  this 
counsel  or  advice,  whether  by  public  speaking,  publishing 
in  pamphlets  or  newspapers,  or  by  private  conversation. 
Nor  is  it  material  that  such  counsel  or  advice  shall  be  direct 
and  in  terms.  The  law  holds  a  man  responsible  for  the 
natural  and  legitimate  consequences  of  his  acts  ;  so  also  for 
the  natural  and  legitimate  effects  of  what  he  may  say.  If 
what  he  speaks  or  publishes  is  naturally  and  reasonably  cal- 

dence  brought  out  in  the  treason  trial  showed  conclusively  that  the 
"Sons  of  Liberty"  plot  contemplated  the  Governor's  assassination. 
One  witness  said,  "  Governor  Morton  was  to  be  put  out  of  the  way  ;  " 
another  testified  that  "  Governor  Morton  was  to  be  taken  care  of," 
either  held  as  a  hostage  for  those  who  might  be  taken  prisoners  or 
made  way  with  in  some  way." 


104      LIFE   AND    SERVICES    OF    OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

culated  to  excite  the  hatred  of  men  against  our  government, 
and  resistance  to  the  conscription  law,  he  is  within  the 
purview  of  the  section,  although  in  the  conclusion  he  might 
insert  a  saving  clause,  by  formally  declaring  that  the  laws 
must  be  obeyed,  and  no  resistance  offered  to  the  govern 
ment.  In  such  a  case  the  law  will  look  to  the  spirit  and 
treasonable  effect  of  what  is  said,  and  not  to  the  mere  words 
employed." 

Then  quoting  an  act  passed  by  the  Indiana  Legisla 
ture  at  the  extra  session  in  1861,  entitled  "  An  act  to 
define  certain  felonies,  and  to  provide  for  the  punish 
ment  of  persons  guilty  thereof,"  he  added  :  — 

"  This  act  is  very  broad  in  its  character,  and  comprehends 
all  organizations  having  for  their  purpose  resistance  to  any 
of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  or  which  are  intended  to 
weaken  the  power  of  the  government,  and  disable  it  from 
suppressing  the  rebellion  —  thus  giving  aid  and  comfort  to 
our  enemies.  It  having  been  enacted  by  the  Legislature  of 
the  State,  it  is  especially  commended  to  the  consideration  of 
such  persons  as  are  tainted  with  the  dangerous  heresy  that 
their  allegiance  is  due  to  the  State  and  not  to  the  United 
States.  The  offenses  defined  and  punished  in  the  statutes 
I  have  quoted  are  below  the  grade  of  treason,  and  the  guilt 
of  the  accused  party  may  be  established  by  one  creditable 
witness,  or  by  circumstantial  evidence,  as  in  ordinary  crimi 
nal  prosecutions.  It  will  be  my  purpose  in  the  future,  as  in 
the  past,  to  do  my  whole  duty  to  the  government  of  the 
United  States  and  the  people  of  Indiana.  In  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  law,  and  the  performance  of  official  duties,  I 
recognize  no  parties.  All  who  obey  the  laws,  keep  the  peace, 
and  discharge  their  duties  as  citizens,  are  alike  entitled  to 
and  will  receive  protection  in  person  and  property.  The 
alarm  which  some  are  attempting  to  create  of  the  improper 
'interference  of  the  military  authorities,  may  be  dismissed  as 


STATE   DEFENSE   AND    INTERNAL    TROUBLES.       105 

without  foundation.  The  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to 
assemble  and  petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  speak 
and  publish  their  opinions  touching  the  policy  of  the  govern 
ment,  or  the  conduct  of  the  war,  must  be  respected,  and  the 
enjoyment  of  it  protected.  But  there  is  a  wide  difference 
between  the  legitimate  exercise  of  this  right  and  that  un 
bridled  license  of  speech  which  seeks,  by  the  assertion  of  the 
most  atrocious  falsehoods,  to  exasperate  the  people  to  mad 
ness  and  drive  them  into  a  position  of  neutrality  between 
their  government  and  the  rebels,  if  not  into  the  very  arms  of 
the  rebellion  —  combine  them  in  dangerous  societies,  provoke 
them  to  resist  the  laws,  and  thus  contribute  directly  to 
weaken  our  own  government  and  strengthen  the  cause  of  the 
enemy.  The  criticism  of  one  who  is  friendly  to  the  govern 
ment,  and  who  is  anxious  that  it  shall  succeed  and  be  pre 
served,  and  who  points  out  its  errors  in  order  that  they 
may  be  corrected,  is  wholly  different  from  that  denunciation 
which  seeks  to  bring  the  government  into  contempt  and  ren 
der  it  odious  to  the  people,  thereby  withdrawing  from  it  that 
natural  support  so  necessary  to  its  life  when  struggling  in 
battle  with  a  powerful  enemy.  The  one  can  never  be  mis 
taken  for  the  other.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  ex 
ercise  of  the  plainest  rights  and  privileges  may  be  greatly 
modified  by  surrounding  circumstances ;  that  what  may  be 
proper  or  innocent  and  harmless  at  one  time  may  be  danger 
ous  and  criminal  at  another.  To  advocate  the  right  of  se 
cession  and  rebellion,  or  the  dissolution  of  our  government, 
might  be  harmless  enough  in  time  of  profound  peace,  but 
when  the  country  is  engaged  in  a  desperate  civil  war,  which 
is  consuming  the  best  blood  and  treasure  of  the  nation,  and 
the  misfortune  of  arms  might,  within  a  few  days,  bring  tli3 
enemy  upon  the  soil  of  our  State,  will  it  be  contended  that 
the  privilege  of  free  speech  gives  the  right  to  advocate  the 
rebellion,  resistance  to  our  own  government,  or  the  abandon 
ment  of  it  to  its  enemies  ?  That  which  is  idle  talk  in  time 
tf  peace  may  become  *  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,'  and 


106      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

punishable  by  the  laws  of  the  land  when  that  enemy  is  at 
our  doors.  Let  me  exhort  the  people  to  moderation  and 
submission  to  the  laws,  and  laying  aside  their  resentments 
and  prejudices,  to  take  counsel  only  of  their  duties  and  the 
dangers  which  threaten  the  nation  ;  and  while  I  assure  them 
that  protection  shall  be  extended  to  life,  liberty,  and  prop 
erty,  and  that  equal  and  exact  justice  shall  be  administered 
to  all,  I  would  impress  them  with  the  fact,  that  if  needs  be 
the  whole  power  of  the  State  and  nation  will  be  invoked  to 
execute  the  laws,  preserve  the  public  peace,  and  bring 
offenders  to  punishment." 

This  resistance  to  the  draft  in  Indiana,  and  the 
demonstrations  of  violence  by  which  it  was  accompanied, 
were  undoubtedly  intended  to,  and  did,  furnish  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  rebels  in  arms.  The  evidence  on  this 
point  was  cumulative  and  overwhelming ;  but  the  scope 
of  this  work  does  not  admit  of  entering  into .  these  de 
tails. 

Finally,  in  1864,  through  the  efforts  of  Governor 
Morton,  and  an  officer  whom  he  had  employed  to  assist 
him,  a  full  exposure  was  made  of  the  secret  organiza 
tion  known  as  the  "  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,"  or 
"  Sons  of  Liberty."  The  exposure  was  complete  — 
embracing  the  signs,  grips,  passwords,  oaths,  ceremonies, 
principles,  and  purposes  of  the  order.  The  membership 
in  the  State  at  that  time  was  about  50,000.  Its  officers 
had  $200,000  in  their  hands  for  the  purpose  of  buying 
arms.  The  leaders  were  in  constant  communication 
with  the  rebels.  An  outbreak  had  been  planned  to 
take  place  in  August,  1864.  The  arsenal  at  Indian 
apolis  was  to  be  seized,  railroad  and  telegraph  lines  to 


STATE   DEFENSE  AND  INTERNAL   TROUBLES.      107 

be  cut,  and  the  rebel  prisoners  confined  here  to  be  lib 
erated.  Governor  Morton  was  to  be  captured,  and,  if 
necessary,  put  out  of  the  way.  The  combined  forces 
of  released  prisoners  arid  Sons  of  Liberty  were  to  join 
the  rebel  forces,  who  were  to  advance  to  meet  them,  in 
Kentucky.  With  such  information  in  his  possession, 
Governor  Morton  was  prepared  to  deal  this  treasonable 
organization  a  crushing  blow.  He  caused  the  arrest  of 
the  Grand  Commander  of  the  order  in  this  State,  the 
Deputy  Grand  Commander,  and  four  District  Com 
manders.  These  arrests  completely  overthrew  the 
plans  of  the  order.  It  was  determined  to  make  an  ex 
ample  of  the  leaders  arrested.  Accordingly,  a  military 
commission  was  organized,  and  they  were  put  upon 
their  trial  for  conspiracy  and  treason.  Pending  the 
trial  the  Grand  Commander  made  his  escape  from  the 
United  States  court  building  at  Indianapolis  and  fled 
to  Canada.  The  evidence  against  the  others  was  over 
whelming.  One  of  them  turned  state's  evidence,  and 
disclosed  all  the  secrets  of  the  order.  The  court  finally 
found  all  four  of  them  guilty  as  charged,  and  sentenced 
three  of  them  to  death  and  one  to  imprisonment.  The 
death  sentence  was  approved,  the  day  fixed  for  its  ex 
ecution,  and  preparations  for  it  commenced,  when, 
upon  the  earnest  representations  of  Governor  Morton 
and  other  prominent  loyal  men,  the  President  com 
muted  their  sentence  to  confinement  in  the  Ohio  peni 
tentiary.1  After  the  close  of  the  war  they  were  par- 

1  As  there  has  been  some  discussion  in  regard  to  Governor  Morton's 
tonnection  with  the    commutation   of    the  sentence  of  these  men. 


108      LIFE   AND   SERVICES    OF    OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

doned.  Those  were  times  when  men's  passions  ran 
high  and  Governor  Morton  was  severely  criticised  by 

Bowles  and  Milligan,  a  brief  statement  of  the  facts  may  not  be  amiss, 
and  we  will  preface  it  with  the  remark  that  our  authority  for  every 
statement  here  made  is  the  Hon.  John  U.  Pettit,  of  Wabash,  who 
went  to  Washington  as  the  special  messenger  of  Governor  Morton,  to 
intercede  with  President  Johnson  for  the  commutation  of  the  sen 
tence.  The  time  fixed  for  the  execution  of  the  sentence  of  death  on 
these  men  was  June  2,  1865,  and  an  order  had  been  received  from 
President  Johnson  to  carry  it  into  effect  "  without  delay."  Just  after 
the  receipt  of  this  order,  in  the  latter  part  of  Ma}',  Judge  Pettit  being 
in  Indianapolis,  Governor  Morton  sent  for  him.  He  went  to  the 
Governor's  office.  After  an  earnest  interview  in  which  the  Governor 
declared  his  purpose  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  men  if  possible, 
Judge  Pettit  was  requested  to  go  to  Washington  at  once  as  the  agent 
of  Governor  Morton  and  to  urge  a  commutation  of  the  sentence. 
He  consented  to  go,  and  Governor  Morton  immediately  sat  down  and 
wrote  a  very  earnest  letter  to  the  President  stating  in  effect  that  the 
country  was  now  at  peace,  the  necessity  for  the  executions  had  passed, 
and  closing  with  the  words,  strongly  underscored,  "Mr.  President, 
I  protest  against  these  executions."  Judge  Pettit  went  to  Washing 
ton  with  this  letter,  and  as  soon  as  possible  after  his  arrival  there 
called  on  the  President.  When  he  entered  the  President's  room  the 
latter  was  engaged  in  a  conference  with  some  other  persons.  Judge 
Pettit  says:  "  As  the  party  was  bowed  out  the  President  turned,  and 
I  rose  instantly  and  delivered  my  letter.  He  read  it,  paused,  and,  as 
if  without  motion,  except  to  turn  his  look  at  me,  then  remarked: 
'  You  have  a  governor  in  Indiana  that  uses  strong  words.'  I  an 
swered:  'Mr.  President,  when  Governor  Morton  feels  warmly  he 
speaks  so.'  "  Then,  speaking  for  Governor  Morton  and  as  his  agent, 
Judge  Pettit  urged  the  commutation  of  the  death  sentence  passed 
upon  the  doomed  men,  and  in  respectful  but  earnest  terms  protested 
against  its  execution  now  that  the  war  had  closed  and  the  necessity 
had  passed.  At  first  the  President  was  inexorable  and  it  was  only 
after  several  interviews  and  much  discussion  that  he  was  1'mally 
brought  to  the  point  of  action.  On  the  afternoon  when  he  had  prom 
ised  to  give  a  final  answer  he  had  started  for  Bull  Run  to  review  some 
troops  returning  from  the  South,  and  sent  back  an  orderly  sergeanl 
from  Alexandria  with  an  order  for  the  commutation.  Judge  Pettil 
immediately  telegraphed  the  result  of  his  mission  to  Governor  Morton, 


STATE   DEFENSE   AND   INTERNAL    TROUBLES.      109 

"some  for  thus  interposing  to  save  the  lives  of  two  men 
who  had  plotted  treason  against  both  the  state  and 
national  governments.  But  reviewing  the  whole  case 
in  the  added  light  of  experience,  all  right-minded  per 
sons  must  approve  his  action  in  this  regard,  while  it  is 
impossible  not  to  admire  his  magnanimity  in  interfering 
to  save  the  lives  of  those  who  had  been  deep  in  the 
plot  which  contemplated  his  death. 

The  foregoing  summary  presents  but  a  meagre  and 
imperfect  outline  of  the  operations  of  the  enemies  of 
the  government  in  Indiana  during  the  civil  war,  and  of 
the  desperate  means  by  which  they  endeavored  to  de 
feat  the  loyal  efforts  of  Governor  Morton.  But  the 
masses  of  the  people  were  with  him  and  he  knew  it. 
Thrice  armed  in  the  justice  of  his  cause  and  in  the 
knowledge  that  the  loyal  people  of  the  State  were  with 
him,  heart  and  soul,  he  still  pressed  forward  with  an 
energy  that  overcame  all  obstacles  and  a  zeal  that 
fairly  burned  its  way  through  difficulties.  Thus,  in 
spite  of  the  machinations  of  his  enemies  and  those  of 
the  government,  he  held  the  State  firmly  to  its  duty, 
and,  aided  by  the  loyal  men  and  women  who  upheld  his 
hands,  made  for  it  a  record  which  shall  only  grow  more 
lustrous  as  the  generations  pass. 

and  "  this,"  he  says,  "was  unmistakably  the  first  public  information 
of  the  fact."  He  concludes  his  statement  with  the  unqualified  declara 
tion  that  "by  Governor  Morton's  interest  and  earnestness  the  lives  of 
these  two  men  were  spared." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

OTHER     SERVICES    TO    THE    NATION,    THE    STATE,    AND 
THE    SOLDIERS. 

AN  attempt  has  been  made  in  the  briefest  possible 
manner  to  indicate  the  scope  and  character  of  Gov 
ernor  Morton's  labors  during  the  war.  To  recount 
them  in  full  would  require  many  volumes,  but  a  few 
additional  instances  may  be  cited  of  his  services  to  the 
State  and  nation  and  his  care  for  the  soldiers. 

Quite  early  in  the  war  he  became  convinced  that  the 
opening  of  the  Mississippi  River  was  of  vital  impor 
tance  in  a  political  as  well  as  military  point  of  view. 
Not  only  would  it  sever  the  Confederacy  and  cut  off  a 
large  source  of  supplies,  but  it  would  prove  to  the  peo 
ple  that,  come  what  might,  the  government  intended 
to  hold  the  great  commercial  artery  of  the  continent. 
Throughout  the  West  this  was  regarded  as  a  matter  of 
prime  importance.  In  the  early  part  of  1862  there 
began  to  be  considerable  talk  among  Western  Demo 
crats  of  forming  a  Northwestern  Confederacy,  to  act  in 
concert  with  the  Southern  States,  and  to  hold  the  Mis 
sissippi  River  in  common.  It  was  one  of  the  means 
adopted  by  them  to  demoralize  the  public  mind,  under 
mine  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  and  defeat  the  efforts 


OTHER   SERVICES  TO   THE  NATION,   ETC.         Ill 

of  the  government  to  preserve  the  Union.  On  the 
27th  of  October,  1862,  Governor  Morton  addressed  a 
letter  to  President  Lincoln  on  this  subject,  in  which, 
after  referring  to  the  Northwestern  Confederacy  plan, 
and  to  the  use  which  Democratic  politicians  were  mak 
ing  of  it,  he  said  :  — 

"Let  us  take  security  against  it  if  possible,  especially 
when  by  so  doing  we  shall  be  pursuing  the  surest  mode  for 
crushing  out  the  rebellion  in  every  part,  and  restoring  the 
Union  to  its  former  limits.  The  plan  which  I  have  to  sug 
gest  is  the  complete  clearing  out  of  all  obstacles  to  the  navi 
gation  of  the  Mississippi  River  and  the  thorough  conquest  of 
the  States  upon  the  western  bank.  Between  the  State  of 
Missouri  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  on  the  western  bank  are 
the  States  of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana.  Arkansas  has  a 
population  of  about  325,000  white  citizens  and  111,000 
slaves,  and  a  very  large  percentage  of  her  white  population 
are  in  the  rebel  army,  and  serving  east  of  the  Mississippi. 
Of  the  fighting  population  of  western  Louisiana,  not  less 
than  fifty  per  cent,  are  in  the  rebel  army,  and  in  service  east 
of  the  river.  The  river  once  in  our  possession,  and  occupied 
by  our  gunboats,  can  never  be  crossed  by  a  rebel  army,  and 
the  fighting  men  now  without  those  States  could  not  get 
back  to  their  relief.  To  make  the  conquest  of  those  States 
thorough  and  complete,  your  proclamation  should  be  ex 
ecuted  in  every  county  and  every  township  and  upon  every 
plantation.  All  this  can  be  done  within  ninety  days,  with 
an  army  of  less  than  100,000  men.  Texas  would  then  be 
entirely  isolated  from  the  rebel  Confederacy,  and  would 
readily  fall  into  our  hands.  She  has,  undoubtedly,  a  large 
Union  element  in  her  population,  and  with  her  complete 
separation  from  the  people  of  the  other  rebel  States  could 
make  but  feeble  resistance.  When  this  shall  have  been 
accomplished,  a  glance  at  the  map  will  show  what  immense 


112      LIFE    AND    SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

advantages  will  have  been  obtained.  The  remaining  rebel 
States,  separated  by  the  river,  would  be  cut  off  effectually 
from  all  the  Territories  and  the  States  of  Mexico.  The 
dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  the  French  aggressions  in 
Mexico  would  be  avoided.  The  entire  western  part  of  the 
continent  now  belonging  to  the  government  would  be  se 
cured  to  us,  and  all  communication  lx-tween  the  rebel  States 
and  the  States  on  the  Pacific  entirely  stopped.  The  work 
of  conquest  in  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  would  be  easy  and 
certain,  and  the  presence  of  our  gunboats  in  the  river  would 
effectually  prevent  any  large  force  from  coming  from  the 
East  to  the  relief  of  these  States.  The  complete  emancipa 
tion  that  could  and  should  be  made  of  all  the  slaves  in 
Arkansas,  Louisiana,  and  Texas  would  place  the  possession 
of  those  States  on  a  very  different  footing  from  any  other 
rebel  territory  which  we  have  heretofore  overrun.  But  an 
other  result  to  be  gained  by  the  accomplishment  of  this 
plan  will  be  the  creation  of  a  guarantee  against  the  further 
depreciation  of  the  loyalty  of  the  Northwestern  States  by 
giving  the  assurance  that,  whatever  may  be  the  result  of  the 
war,  the  free  navigation  and  control  of  the  Mississippi  River 
will  be  secured  at  all  events." 

These  are  the  views  of  a  statesman.  They  show  that 
Governor  Morton  saw  not  only  the  necessity  of  putting 
<m  end  to  the  Northwestern  Confederacy  agitation,  but 
the  vital  importance  to  the  government  of  splitting  the 
Southern  Confederacy  by  opening  the  Mississippi  River, 
which  Jefferson  Davis,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  had 
declared  "  the  South  would  never  surrender."  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  the  views  expressed  in  the  fore 
going  letter  had  no  little  influence  in  shaping  the  sub 
sequent  policy  of  the  government. 


OTHER   SERVICES   TO   THE    NATION,   ETC.       113 

Governor  Morton  originated  and  suggested  the  "  one 
hundred  days'  movement "  which  proved  of  great  serv 
ice  to  the  Union  cause.  The  spring  of  18G4  opened 
with  the  prospect  of  much  desperate  and  bloody  work 
for  the  Union  armies.  Campaigns  were  about  to  be 
undertaken  which  it  was  hoped  would  result  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  rebellion.  Our  generals  were  anx 
ious  to  have  all  the  troops  possible  for  active  service,  and 
every  enlisted  man  fit  for  duty  was  wanted  at  the  front. 
On  the  6th  of  April  General  Sherman  telegraphed 
Governor  Morton  to  push  forward  all  the  troops  he 
could,  saying,  "  Three  hundred  men  in  time  are  better 
than  a  thousand  too  late.  Now  is  the  time  every 
soldier  should  be  in  his  proper  place  —  at  the  front." 
For  some  time  it  had  been  apparent  to  Governor  Mor 
ton  that  a  considerable  army  of  men,  many  of  them 
veterans,  were  withdrawn  from  active  service  by  the 
necessity  of  guarding  railroads,  stores,  and  fortifications 
in  the  rear.  The  idea  occurred  to  him  that  if  these 
trained  soldiers  could  be  released  from  this  duty  by  the 
substitution  of  new  recruits  in  their  places,  and  thus 
permitted  to  take  part  in  the  active  operations  of  the 
campaign,  an  important  advantage  would  be  gained. 
Revolving  this  matter  he  finally  devised  a  plan  to  meet 
the  desired  end.  Governor  Brough  of  Ohio  happening 
to  be  at  Indianapolis  just  at  this  juncture,  Governor 
Morton  laid  his  plan  before  him,  and  the  result  was  the 
"hundred  days'  movement."  On  the  lltli  of  April  a 
telegram  was  sent  to  the  governors  of  Illinois,  Iowa, 
Wisconsin,  and  Michigan  inviting  them  to  meet  the 


114      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

governors  of  Ohio  and  Indiana  on  important  business 
at  Indianapolis  on  the  22d.  The  meeting  took  place, 
all  the  governors  mentioned  being  present.  The  result 
of  the  conference  was  a  joint  proposition  to  the  Presi 
dent  to  furnish  85,000  infantry  troops  for  the  aproach- 
ing  campaign,  their  term  of  service  to  be  "  one  hundred 
days,  reckoned  from  the  date  of  muster  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  unless  sooner  discharged."  The 
troops  were  to  be  apportioned  and  furnished  as  follows : 
Ohio,  30,000  ;  Indiana,  20,000  ;  Illinois,  20,000  ;  Iowa, 
10,000 ;  Wisconsin,  5,000.  The  proposition  was  signed 
by  the  five  governors  named,  and  on  the  24th  of  April 
was  indorsed  by  President  Lincoln.  "  The  foregoing 
proposition  of  the  governors  is  accepted,  and  the  Sec 
retary  of  War  is  directed  to  carry  it  into  execution." 
The  above  quotas  were  not  entirely  filled,  but  the  move 
ment  resulted  in  the  raising  of  a  large  force  of  hundred 
days'  men,  who,  by  relieving  older  and  more  experienced 
troops  from  guard  duty,  greatly  strengthened  the  avail 
able  force  of  the  Union  armies  and  undoubtedly  con 
tributed  to  the  success  of  the  cause. 

In  1861,  when  the  first  Indiana  troops  were  organ 
ized,  it  was  found  impossible  to  procure  suitable  ammu 
nition  for  them,  and  in  order  to  meet  this  want  Gov 
ernor  Morton,  acting  solely  upon  his  own  responsibility 
and  without  authority  of  law,  started  a  small  laboratory 
for  the  manufacture  of  cartridges  for  the  use  of  Indiana 
troops.  This  seemed  to  be  a  military  necessity  at  the 
time,  and  subsequently  proved  of  great  benefit  to  the 


OTHER   SERVICES    TO    THE   NATION,    ETC.        llo 

general  government  as  well  as  to  the  State.  What  at 
first  was  a  very  small  undertaking  and  intended  only 
as  a  temporary  aid  to  the  government,  gradually  grew 
into  an  extensive  establishment,  and  from  supplying  an 
existing  necessity  became  a  source  of  profit  to  the  State. 
Finally,  after  large  quantities  of  ammunition  had  been 
manufactured  and  sent  to  the  field,  an  arrangement  was 
made  by  which  the  general  government  agreed  to  pay 
for  the  ammunition  already  issued,  at  prices  below  what 
the  same  would  have  cost  if  made  in  the  government 
arsenals,  but  still  remunerative  to  the  State.  It  was 
also  provided  that  the  arsenal  should  be  continued  and 
that  future  supplies  should  be  paid  for  at  the  same 
rates.  The  entire  operations  of  the  arsenal  thus  estab 
lished  by  Governor  Morton  and  carried  on  under  his 
direction  amounted  during  the  war  to  $791,652,  all  of 
which  was  faithfully  accounted  for.  Upon  a  final  set 
tlement  with  the  general  government,  and  after  refund 
ing  to  the  State  treasury  every  dollar  that  had  been 
drawn  from  it,  there  remained  a  clear  cash  balance  in 
favor. of  the  State  of  $71,380,  which  Governor  Morton 
turned  over  to  the  State.  Thus  his  foresight  and  man 
agement  in  the  arsenal  matter  inured  to  the  great  ben 
efit  of  the  troops  in  the  field,  to  the  advantage  of  the 
government  and  the  profit  of  the  State.  The  present 
beautiful  arsenal  at  Indianapolis  is  the  outgrowth  and 
successor  of  the  undertaking  here  described. 

After  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  great  numbers  of  Indiana 
troops  lay  wounded  or  sick  in  the  regimental  and  field 


116      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

hospitals  of  the  South.  The  weather  was  hot,  hospital 
accommodations  meagre,  and  the  means  of  sending  the 
men  North  very  inadequate.  The  case  being  thus, 
Governor  Morton  determined  to  do  something  for  the 
Indiana  soldiCTs.  He  first  sent  an  officer  South  to 
obtain  necessary  facts,  and  supplied  with  these  he  went 
to  Washington.  Calling  upon  the  Secretary  of  War 
he  laid  the  facts  before  him  and  asked  permission  to 
remove  the  Indiana  sick  and  wounded  North.  The 
Secretary  of  War  declined  to  grant  permission  on  the 
ground  that  it  would  make  trouble  in  the  army  if  Indi 
ana  were  accorded  such  a  privilege.  Governor  Mor 
ton  at  once  told  the  Secretary  that  he  should  go  to  the 
President  with  the  matter,  and  did  so.  The  President 
heard  the  case  and  felt  the  force  of  the  appeal.  The 
result  was  the  issuing  of  an  order  allowing  any  State 
to  remove  its  sick  and  wounded  North,  thus  doing  away 
with  the  objection  raised  by  the  Secretary  of  War. 
Armed  with  this  order  Governor  Morton  hastened 
home  and  immediately  perfected  arrangements  for  ade 
quate  transportation  and  the  removal  of  Indiana's  sick 
and  wounded  soldiers  to  more  comfortable  quarters. 

On  the  21st  of  April,  1862,  just  before  the  battle  of 
Corinth,  Governor  Morton  telegraphed  the  Secretary 
of  War  as  follows  :  — 

"  That  a  great  battle  is  impending  at  Corinth,  is  evident. 
Before  additional  surgical  aid  can  reach  the  field  from  any 
quarter,  five  or  six  days  will  elapse.  Meanwhile  the  wounded 
must  suffer  immensely.  So  it  was  at  Donelson  and  Pitts- 


OTHER   SERVICES   TO   THE  NATION,  ETC.        117 

burg.  Indiana  has  at  least  twenty-four  regiments  before  the 
enemy.  I  propose  to  send  at  once  to  each  of  them  two  addi 
tional  surgeons,  and  respectfully  request  authority  from  you 
to  do  so.  I  regard  this  as  an  absolute  necessity." 

Heretofore  each  regiment  had  been  allowed  only  one 
surgeon  and  one  assistant.  Experience  had  shown  this 
medical  force  to  be  entirely  inadequate,  especially  dur 
ing  or  immediately  after  a  severe  battle.  This  was 
especially  the  case  after  the  battles  of  Fort  Donelson 
and  Shiloh,  and  now  as  another  one  was  impending, 
Governor  Morton  proposed  to  make  better  provision, 
at  least  for  the  Indiana  soldiers.  The  Secretary  of 
War  replied  on  the  same  day :  "  You  have  authority  to 
send  to  the  Indiana  regiments  in  the  field  in  Tennessee 
two  additional  assistant  surgeons,  agreeably  to  your  re 
quest."  Accordingly  the  requisite  number  of  surgeons 
were  immediately  selected  and  dispatched  to  the  front, 
with  instructions  to  remain  as  long  as  their  services 
were  required.  This  action  of  Governor  Morton  was 
received  with  great  approbation  by  the  army,  and  the 
attention  of  Congress  having  been  called  to  it,  an  act 
was  passed  (approved  July  2,  1862),  which  provided  : 
"  That  instead  of  '  one  assistant  surgeon/  as  provided 
by  the  second  section  of  the  Act  of  July  22,  1861,  each 
regiment  of  volunteers  in  the  service  of  th^  United 
States  shall  have  two  assistant  surgeons."  /his  hu 
manitarian  reform  was  the  direct  result  of  Governor 
Morton's  efforts. 

But  vast  as  his  labors  were,  growing  out  of  the  war 


118      LIFE   AND    SERVICES   OF    OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

he  still  had  time  to  devote  to  the  administration  of  the 
State's  civil  affairs  and  the  development  of  her  material 
interests.  He  had  a  great  deal  of  state  pride,  and  next 
to  the  preservation  of  the  Union  the  advancement  of 
Indiana  lay  nearest  his  heart.  A  born  Indianian,  he 
loved  devotedly  the  State  of  his  birth  and  sought  by 
every  means  to  elevate  her  honor,  uphold  her  integrity 
and  credit,  and  foster  her  material  interests.  In  his 
messages  and  other  official  papers  he  frequently  dwelt 
upon  the  vast  agricultural  and  mineral  resources  of  the 
State,  her  extensive  system  of  railways,  and  the  general 
advantages  afforded  to  those  seeking  homes  in  the  West. 
He  caused  to  be  prepared  an  elaborate  document  setting 
forth  the  attractions  of  the  State,  entitled  "  Indiana  as  a 
Home  for  Emigrants,"  very  large  editions  of  which  in 
English  and  German  were  circulated  in  this  country 
and  in  Europe. 

The  financial  discredit  sustained  by  the  State  in  con 
sequence  of  the  gigantic  and  unfortunate  internal  im 
provement  schemes  of  183G-7  was  the  cause  of  deep 
humiliation  to  him,  the  effects  being  largely  felt  when 
he  assumed  the  office  of  governor.  In  consequence  of 
former  embarrassments,  the  impression  prevailed  that 
the  State  was  hopelessly  bankrupt ;  her  financial  char 
acter  abroad  was  tarnished,  and  the  current  of  emigra 
tion  was  turned  aside  in  great  part,  or  swept  over  to 
the  States  and  Territories  farther  West.  Governor 
Morton  determined  to  disabuse  the  public  mind  of  these 
impressions  and  create  a  healthy  public  sentiment  in 
favor  of  the  financial  integrity,  patriotism,  and  enter 


OTHER   SERVICES   TO   THE   NATION,    ETC. 

prise  of  our  people.  The  events  of  the  war  and  the 
remarkable  executive  ability  displayed  by  him  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  whole  country ;  the  State's  credit 
at  once  rose  to  a  high  stand-point,  and  two  million  dol 
lars  of  war  loan  bonds  were  negotiated  without  trouble 
and  on  very  favorable  terms. 

The  successful  establishment  of  a  Home  for  Dis 
abled  Soldiers,  and  afterwards  a  Home  for  Soldiers' 
Orphans,  upon  his  recommendation  and  plans,  added  in 
no  small  degree  to  the  glory  of  Indiana's  war  record. 
In  recommending  in  his  last  message  the  erection  of  a 
state  monument  in  honor  of  all  her  brave  soldiers  who 
perished  in  the  war,  he  was  actuated  by  the  same 
tender  appreciation  and  solicitude  for  their  memories 
which  distinguished  his  whole  gubernatorial  service. 

His  careful  guardianship  of  the  Common  School 
Fund  (the  largest  of  any  State  in  the  Union),  the  es 
tablishment. of  a  State  Normal  School,  an  Agricultural 
College,  and  a  Reform  School  for  Juvenile  Offenders, 
as  well  as  the  encouragement  he  gave  to  the  various 
colleges  of  the  State,  attest  his  deep  interest  in  the 
cause  of  popular  education. 

Thus  while  giving  the  general  government  a  power 
ful  support  in  the  work  of  putting  down  the  rebellion, 
arid  while  looking  vigilantly  after  the  interests  of  In 
diana  soldiers  in  the  field,  he  was  still  able  to  admin 
ister  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  State  with  unequaled 
ability  and  to  give  her  a  much  higher  rank  in  the 
sisterhood  of  States  than  she  had  ever  held  before. 


CHAPTER  X. 

REELECTION  AS    GOVERNOR.  —  CLOSE    OF    THE    WAR. 

THE  foregoing  pages  present  but  a  very  imperfect 
outline  of  Governor  Morton's  services  to  the  State  and 
nation  during  the  war.  With  an  energy  that  never 
tired  and  a  constitution  that  had  as  yet  shown  no  signs 
of  failing,  he  devoted  every  power  of  his  head  and 
heart  to  the  great  cause  of  sustaining  the  government, 
preserving  the  honor  of  the  State  and  looking  after  the 
welfare  of  her  soldiers.  During  all  these  dark  years  he 
was  a  trusted  friend  and  counselor  of  President  Lin 
coln  and  Secretary  Stanton,  two  men  who  like  himself 
seemed  to  have  been  raised  up  by  Providence  to  fulfill 
an  especial  mission.  The  loyal  masses  of  Indiana  had 
learned  to  love  and  trust  him,  and  at  the  expiration  of 
his  first  term  as  governor  no  other  person  was  thought 
of  by  Republicans  for  the  succession.  His  vigorous  and 
brilliant  administration  during  his  first  term  had  given 
the  State  more  prominence  than  it  had  ever  enjoyed 
before,  elevated  its  credit  in  financial  circles,  and  con 
verted  the  name  of  "  Hoosier  "  from  a  term  of  ridicule 
into  one  of  honor.  Therefore  when  the  Republican 
Convention  met  at  Indianapolis,  on  the  22d  of  Febru 
ary,  1864,  to  nominate  a  state  ticket,  he  was  unani- 


CLOSE  OF    THE   WAR.  121 

mously  nominated  for  reelection.  In  accepting  the  nom 
ination  he  made  one  of  the  ablest  speeches  of  his  life, 
reviewing  his  whole  administration  as  governor,  set 
ting  forth  the  action  of  the  disloyal  Legislature  of 
1863,  the  embarrassment  which  it  had  caused  him,  and 
the  measures  he  had  taken  to  uphold  the  honor  and 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  State,  pointing  out  the  peril 
of  the  government,  the  duty  of  the  times,  and,  in  short, 
completely  covering  the  situation.  Of  course  the  main 
question  in  the  ensuing  election  was  whether  Indiana 
would  remain  true  to  the  Republican  party  and  the 
Union,  but  scarcely  secondary  to  this  was  the  question 
whether  the  Legislature  to  be  chosen  would  indorse 
Governor  Morton's  administration  and  approve  the 
various  measures  he  had  adopted  to  meet  emergencies 
forced  upon  him  by  the  disloyal  Democracy.  All  his 
acts  had  been  done  in  the  belief  that  a  Legislature 
would  be  elected  in  1864  which  would  approve  them, 
and  now  the  time  had  come  for  an  appeal  to  the  peo 
ple.  His  opponent  for  the  governorship  was  Hon. 
Joseph  E.  McDonald.  Friends  of  both  parties  arranged 
for  a  joint  canvass  of  the  State,  and  the  opening  debate 
was  appointed  to  take  place  at  Laporte.  The  char 
acter  of  the  occasion  and  the  importance  of  the  issues 
involved  drew  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  the 
crowd  being  estimated  at  not  less  than  twenty  thousand. 
His  competitor  was  ten  years  his  senior,  a  skillful  de 
bater  and  strong  man.  Though  politically  opposed  they 
were  personal  friends,  and  the  contest  between  them 
was  conducted  in  a  fair  and  dignified  manner.  Gov- 


122      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

eruor  Morton's  opening  speech  at  Laporte  was  pro 
nounced  by  all  who  heard  it  a  great  and  convincing 
one.  Fully  realizing  the  importance  of  the  interests  at 
stake,  he  rose  to  the  height  of  the  occasion  and  the 
argument.  The  result  of  the  opening  debate  was  a  de 
cided  victory  for  Morton,  and  from  that  moment  his 
friends  confidently  predicted  his  election.  The  end 
showed  that  their  confidence  was  well  founded.  After 
a  thorough  and  exhaustive  campaign,  he  was  reflected 
governor  by  over  20,000  majority  and  the  Republicans 
gained  a  majority  in  the  Legislature.  It  was  the  grand 
est  popular  triumph  ever  achieved  in  the  State.  Gov 
ernor  Morton  entered  upon  his  second  term  with  un 
abated  zeal  and  ardor.  He  was  now  in  his  forty-second 
year  and  in  the  prime  of  physical  and  mental  strength. 
The  vast  responsibilities  and  labors  of  the  last  five 
years  had  developed  his  character  to  its  fullest  propor 
tions.  Experience  had  shown  him  to  be  equal  to  every 
emergency,  and  success  had  given  him  a  confidence 
which  was  almost  irresistible  in  itself.  His  energy, 
patriotism,  executive  ability,  and  fertility  of  resources 
were  a  theme  of  general  comment.  His  services  to  the 
State  and  nation  were  known  and  honored  everywhere. 
His  message  to  the  new  Legislature  set  forth  in  detail 
all  his  public  acts  of  the  last  two  years  and  was  a  com 
plete  exposition  of  state  affairs.  At  his  request  the 
Legislature  appointed  a  joint  committee  to  examine  the 
vouchers  for  receipts  and  payments  of  money  by  the 
Governor  during  the  last  two  years.  Their  report  was 
a  complete  vindication  of  his  financial  administration 


CLOSE   OF   THE   WAR.  123 

and  is  a  lasting  tribute  to  his  integrity.  During  a  time 
of  civil  war  and  great  excitement,  he  raised  by  his  per 
sonal  efforts,  and  disbursed  on  his  personal  check,  all 
the  money  used  by  the  state  government  during  a  pe 
riod  of  nearly  two  years,  without  the  loss  or  misappro 
priation  of  a  dollar. 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  April,  1865,  Presi 
dent  Lincoln  died  from  a  wound  inflicted  by  the  hand 
of  an  assassin  the  night  before.  The  blow  fell  with 
crushing  weight  upon  the  whole  country,  and  amid  a 
nation  of  mourners  no  man  felt  it  more  keenly  than 
Governor  Morton,  the  trusted  friend,  counselor,  and 
colaborer  of  the  martyred  President.  He  issued  a 
proclamation  convening  the  citizens  of  Indianapolis  in 
the  State  House  Square  "  to  give  expression  to  their 
sentiments  over  this  great  national  calamity,"  and  then 
hastened  to  Washington  to  join  in  paying  the  last  sad 
honors  to  his  murdered  friend.  He,  with  others,  ac 
companied  the  President's  remains  to  their  final  rest 
ing-place  ;  and,  at  his  request,  it  was  decided  to  have 
them  rest  for  a  day  at  Indianapolis,  .where  thousands 
upon  thousands  of  citizens  and  soldiers  had  the  melan 
choly  pleasure  of  viewing  them. 

In  April,  1865,  also  came  the  surrender  of  Lee  and 
the  end  of  the  war.  Shortly  after  this  the  returning 
troops  of  Indiana  began  to  arrive  at  Indianapolis,  and 
the  Governor  was  kept  almost  as  busy  receiving  and 
welcoming  as  he  had  been  a  few  years  before  in  arm 
ing  and  equipping  them.  In  each  case  the  labor  was 
to  him  a  sacred  duty.  Every  regiment  and  battery  as 


124      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

it  arrived  from  the  field  of  its  victories  was  welcomed 
with  fitting  ceremony,  treated  to  a  sumptuous  dinner, 
and  addressed  by  the  Governor  in  person,  who  thanked 
them  in  the  name  of  a  rescued  government  and  a 
grateful  people.  These  duties,  though  of  a  very  pleas 
ing  nature,  were  none  the  less  a  severe  draft  on  his 
mental  and  physical  energies,  while  the  regular  duties 
of  his  office  occupied  a  large  share  of  his  time  and  at 
tention. 

During  the  last  four  years  he  had  performed  an  in 
credible  amount  of  labor.  One  familiar  with  the  facts 
writes  :  "  During  the  winter  of  1865  Governor  Morton 
was  the  most  ubiquitous  man  in  the  United  States. 
First  at  Washington,  in  council  with  the  President ; 
then  at  the  front,  surveying  with  his  own  eye  the  bat 
tle-field ;  moving  in  person  through  the  hospitals,  as 
certaining  the  wants  of  the  sick  and  wounded  ;  super 
vising  the  operations  of  his  numerous  agents ;  then  at 
home,  directing  sanitary  movements,  appointing  extra 
surgeons  and  sending  them  to  the  field,  projecting  new 
plans  for  the  relief  of  dependent  women  and  children, 
attending  personally  to  all  the  details  of  the  business  of 
his  office."  Thus  every  power  of  body  and  mind  had 
been  taxed  to  the  utmost.  While  the  strain  lasted  no 
injurious  effect  was  visible,  but  the  period  was  ap 
proaching  when  he  was  to  pay  the  penalty  of  this  tre 
mendous  overwork.  With  the  close  of  the  war  and 
the  diminished  drafts  upon  his  nervous  energies  there 
came  a  season  of  reaction.  During  the  summer  of 
1865  he  was  troubled  and  somewhat  alarmed  by  a  feel- 


CLOSE   OF   THE   WAR. 

ing  of  mental  and  physical  sluggishness,  a  sort  of  apa 
thy  which  seemed  to  affect  both  mind  and  body.  This 
tvas  nature's  protest  and  warning.  Perhaps  if  it  had 
been  duly  heeded  at  the  time,  the  impending  shock 
might  have  been  averted,  but  of  this  we  cannot  cer 
tainly  know. 

One  morning  he  woke  with  both  his  legs  paralyzed 
in  the  lower  extremities.  This  was  nature's  penalty, 
and  the  sacrifice  which  Governor  Morton  made  upon 
the  altar  of  patriotism.  His  paralysis  was  as  clearly 
due  to  his  overwork  during  the  war  as  the  death  of 
any  soldier  in  battle  was  to  the  bullet  that  pierced  his 
heart.  He  was  immediately  placed  under  medical 
treatment,  and  after  a  few  months,  little  or  no  benefit 
being  gained,  he  was  advised  to  visit  Europe  and  place 
himself  in  the  hands  of  the  eminent  physician  at  Paris 
who  had  treated  and  cured  Charles  Sumner.  Before 
acting  on  this  advice,  however,  it  was  deemed  best  to 
anticipate  the  regular  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  and 
that  body  was  accordingly  convened  in  extra  session  on 
the  14th  of  November.  Governor  Morton's  message 
on  this  occasion  was  able  and  comprehensive,  touching 
on  every  current  matter  of  state  policy  and  making  im 
portant  recommendations.  After  some  comments  on 
national  affairs  he  said  in  conclusion  :  — 

"  The  war  has  established  upon  imperishable  foundations 
the  great  fundamental  truth  of  the  unity  and  indivisibility 
of  the  nation.  We  are  many  States  but  one  people,  having 
one  undivided  sovereignty,  one  flag,  and  one  common  destiny. 
It  has  also  established,  to  be  confessed  by  all  the  world,  the 


126      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.    MORTON. 

exalted  character  of  the  American  soldier,  his  matchless 
valor,  his  self-sacrificing  patriotism,  his  capacity  to  endure 
fatigues  and  hardships,  and  his  humanity,  which,  in  the  midst 
of  carnage,  has  wreathed  his  victorious  achievements  with  a 
brighter  glory.  He  has  taught  the  world  a  lesson  before 
which  it  stands  in  amazement,  how,  when  the  storm  of  battle 
had  passed,  he  could  lay  aside  his  arms,  put  off  the  habili 
ments  of  war,  and  return  with  cheerfulness  to  the  gentle 
pursuits  of  peace,  and  show  how  the  bravest  of  soldiers 
could  become  the  best  of  citizens.  To  the  army  and  navy, 
under  the  favor  of  Providence,  we  owe  the  preservation  of 
our  country,  and  the  fact  that  we  have  to-day  a  place,  and 
the  proudest  place,  among  the  nations.  Let  it  not  be  said 
of  us,  as  it  was  said  in  olden  time,  that  '  Republics  are  un 
grateful.'  Let  us  honor  the  dead,  cherish  the  living,  and 
preserve  in  immortal  memory  the  deeds  and  virtues  of  all,  as 
an  inspiration  for  countless  generations  to  come." 

The  scene  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  on  the  occasion  of    his  formal  leave-takm**  was 

O 

impressive  and  affecting.  The  man  who  had  guided 
the  ship  of  state  through  stormiest  seas,  battling  for 
the  national  government  with  one  hand  and  with  the 
other  throttling  domestic  rebellion,  bringing  almost 
superhuman  energy  to  the  performance  of  almost  super 
human  tasks,  was  about  to  leave  his  native  land  to  seek 
in  a  foreign  one  the  restoration  of  a  constitution  sacri 
ficed  and  shattered  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  At 
this  moment  party  jealousies  and  party  strifes  were  for 
gotten  and  the  better  instincts  of  men  were  permitted 
their  natural  action.  Resolutions  complimenting  the 
Governor  in  the  highest  terms  and  expressing  deep 
sympathy  with  him  in  his  affliction,  were  drawn  up  by 


CLOSE   OF   THE   WAR.  127 

Hon.  Joseph  E.  McDonald  and  Hon.  Samuel  Buskirk, 
both  political  opponents,  and  were  adopted  by  the 
General  Assembly  without  a  dissenting  voice.  Of  this 
scene  it  has  been  written :  "  The  hatchet  of  political 
warfare  was  buried,  and  a  melancholy  regret,  -a  heart 
felt  sorrow,  pervaded  the  souls  of  all  present.  Not 
until  now  had  many  realized  the  worth  of  Governor 
Morton,  —  the  wisdom  of  his  counsel,  the  importance  of 
his  services,  the  magnitude  of  his  heart.  The  smoke  of 
the  war  had  obscured  the  appreciative  vision  of  numbers 
of  his  friends,  while  it  completely  blinded  his  enemies 
to  all  his  efficiency  as  an  executive,  all  his  nobleness 
as  a  man.  But  now  that  he  was  about  to  leave,  per 
haps  forever,  the  colleagues  to  whom  he  had  been  so 
faithful,  the  opponents  he  had  fought  so  nobly,  the 
State  he  had  saved  from  financial  thralldom  and  the 
meshes  of  treason  —  the  State  whose  name  he  had  made 
the  synonym  of  glory  —  the  people  he  had  so  devotedly 
served,  the  indifference  of  friends,  the  prejudice  of  ene 
mies  gave  place  to  a  profound  realization  of  his  talents, 
his  patriotism,  his  labor." 

Shortly  after  this,  early  in  December,  1865,  Governor 
Morton  sailed  from  New  York  accompanied  by  his  wife, 
one  son  and  a  friend,  and  proceeded  with  as  little  delay 
as  possible  to  Paris.  He  remained  in  that  city  under 
medical  treatment  about  six  weeks;  then,  hoping  to  get 
some  benefit  by  change  of  climate,  he  traveled  through 
portions  of  Italy  and  Switzerland.  He  received,  how 
ever,  little  or  no  benefit  either  from  treatment  or  travel, 
and  returned  home  in  March,  1866. 


CHAPTER  XL 

ELECTION    TO    THE    UNITED    STATES    SENATE. 

DURING  Governor  Morton's  absence  in  Europe  the 
duties  of  the  office  "had  been  ably  performed  by  Lieu 
tenant-governor  Conrad  Baker.  Upon  the  return  oi 
the  former  he  at  once  resumed  his  interest  in  public 
affairs.  A  state  election  was  to  take  place  in  the  fall 
of  the  year  (1866),  and  the  controversy  then  going  on 
between  President  Johnson  and  the  Republican  party 
made  the  Democracy  very  hopeful  of  success.  State  of 
ficers  and  a  state  legislature  were  to  be  chosen.  Upon 
the  latter  would  devolve  the  duty  of  electing  a  United 
States  senator,  and  it  was  taken  by  common  consent 
among  Republicans  that  if  they  carried  the  State 
Governor  Morton  was  to  be  elected  to  this  position. 
The  Republican  campaign  opened  at  Indianapolis  on 
the  20th  of  June,  Governor  Morton  being  announced 
as  the  speaker.  The  largest  hall  in  the  city  was 
densely  crowded  with  an  audience  anxious  to  see  and 
hear  him  once  more.  He  spoke  sitting,  the  first  time 
he  had  so  addressed  an  Indiana  audience.  It  was 
a  painful  reminder  of  his  physical  infirmity,  but  his 
mind  was  never  more  active  and  vigorous.  His  speech 
on  this  occasion  was  powerful  and  eloquent.  The  sur- 


ELECTION   TO   THE   UNITED   STATES   SENATE.      129 

roundings  were  suggestive  of  stirring  memories.  He 
had  often  spoken  from  the  same  platform  during  the 
war,  appealing  to  the  people,  calling  for  volunteers, 
and  exhorting  the  citizens  of  the  State  to  stand  by  and 
support  the  government.  Now  the  war  was  over,  and 
the  question  was  presented,  whether  the  fruits  of  vic 
tory  should  be  preserved  or  surrendered.  His  speech 
consisted  of  a  vindication  of  the  course  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  and  an  arraignment  of  the  Democracy. 
The  latter  portion  of  it  was  terribly  severe,  and  is  still 
well  remembered  by  those  who  heard  it.  He  dwelt 
upon  the  course  of  the  Democracy  during  the  war,  and 
recalled  their  countless  acts  of  disloyalty.  He  hurled 
facts  and  history  at  them  with  fatal  precision  and  effect. 
Nearly  every  sentence  was  received  with  cheers  by  the 
audience,  and  the  applause  seemed  to  inspire  the 
speaker.  During  his  absence  in  Europe  he  had  been 
outrageously  abused  by  a,  portion  of  the  Democratic 
press  and  he  embraced  this  opportunity  to  square  ac 
counts  with  the  party  to  date.  Thus,  with  a  fierceness 
of  invective  seldom  equaled,  he  said  of  the  leaders  of 
the  party  in  Indiana  at  that  time  :  — 

"  The  leaders  who  are  now  managing  the  Democratic 
party  in  this  State  are  the  men  who,  at  the  regular  session 
of  the  Legislature  in  1861,  declared  that  if  an  army  went 
from  Indiana  to  assist  in  putting  down  the  then  approaching 
rebellion  it  must  first  pass  over  their  dead  bodies.  They 
are  the  men  who,  in  the  Democratic  Convention  on  the  8th 
of  January,  1862,  gave  aid  and  comfort  to  the  rebellion,  by 
resolving  that  the  South  had  been  provoked  and  driven  into 
the  contest  by  the  unconstitutional  and  wicked  aggressions 
9 


130       LIFE   AND    SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

of  the  people  of  the  North.       They  are  the  men  who  in 
speeches  and  resolutions  proclaimed  that  '  Southern  defeats 
gave  them  no    joy,   and   Northern   disasters    no   sorrows.' 
They  are  the  men  who  exerted  their  influence  to  prevent 
their  Democratic  friends  from  going  into  the  army,  and  who, 
by  their  incessant  and  venomous  slanders  against  the  gov 
ernment,  checked  the  spirit  of  volunteering,  and  made  draft 
ing  a  necessity.     And  when  the  draft  had  thus  been  forced 
upon  the  country,  their  wretched  subordinates,  inspired  by 
their  devilish  teachings,  endeavored  in  many  places  by  force 
of  arms  and  the  murder  of  enrolling  officers  to  prevent  its 
execution.      They  are  the  men  who  corresponded  with  the 
rebel  leaders  in  the   South,  giving  them  full  information  of 
our  condition,  and  assuring  them  that  a  revolution  in  public 
opinion  was  at  hand,  and  that  they  had  but  to  persevere  a 
few  months  longer  and  the  national  government  would  fall 
to  pieces  of  its  own  weight.     They  are  the  men  who  in  tho 
Legislature  of  1863  attempted  to  overturn  the  state  govern 
ment  and  establish  a  legislative  revolution  by  seizino-  the 
military  power  of  the    State   and   transferring   it  into   the 
hands  of  four  state  officers,  three  of  whom  were  members 
of  the  treasonable  society  known  as  the  '  Sons  of  Liberty.' 
They  are  the  men  who,  having  failed  to  overturn  the  state 
government  by  seizing  the  military   power,   determined  to 
defeat  its  operations  and  bring  about  anarchy,   by   locking 
up  the  public  treasure  and  thus  withholding  the  money  nec 
essary  to  carry  on  the  government.     They  are  the  men  who 
introduced  and  organized  in  this  State  that  dangerous  and 
widespread  conspiracy  first  known  as  the  '  Knights  of  the 
Golden    Circle,'  and    afterwards  as  the  *  Sons  of  Liberty,' 
which  had  for  its  purpose  the  overthrow  of  the  state  and 
national  governments.     Not  all  of  them,  it  is  true,  belonged 
formerly  to  this  infamous  order,  but  such  as  stood  on  the 
outside  had  knowledge  of  its  existence,  purposes,  and  plans, 
and  carefully  concealing  their  knowledge  were  ready  to  ac- 


ELECTION   TO   THE   UNITED    STATES   SENATE.      131 

cept  its  work.  To  accomplish  the  hellish  work  of  this  con 
spiracy  military  officers  were  appointed,  military  organiza 
tions  created,  arms  and  ammunition  purchased  in  immense 
quantities  and  -smuggled  into  the  State,  correspondence 
opened  with  rebel  commanders,  and  military  combinations 
agreed  upon,  rebel  officers  and  agents  introduced  into  the 
capital  and  concealed  in  hotels  and  boarding-houses,  and  it 
was  deliberately  planned  and  agreed  that  upon  a  day  fixed 
they  would  suddenly  uprise  and  murder  the  executive,  seize 
the  arsenal  and  its  arms  and  ammunition,  and  releasing 
9,000  rebel  prisoners  in  Camp  Morton,  put  arms  into  their 
hands,  and  with  their  combined  forces  effect  a  military  and 
bloody  revolution  in  the  State.  They  are  the  men  who,  in 
the  Legislature  of  Indiana,  bitterly  opposed  and  denounced 
every  effort  to  confer  the  right  of  suffrage  upon  soldiers  in 
the  field  who  could  not  come  home  to  vote.  They  are  the 
men  who  wrote  letters  to  soldiers  in  the  army,  urging  them 
to  desert,  and  assuring  them  of  support  and  protection  if 
they  did.  They  are  the  men  who  labored  with  devilish  zeal 
to  destroy  the  ability  of  the  government  to  carry  on  the  war 
by  depreciating  its  financial  credit.  They  assured  the 
people  that  '  greenbacks  '  would  die  on  their  hands,  and 
warned  them  solemnly  against  government  bonds,  as  a 
wicked  device  to  rob  them  of  their  money.  They  are  the 
men  who  refused  to  contribute  to  the  Sanitary  Commission 
for  the  relief  of  sick  and  wounded  soldiers,  upon  the  lying 
and  hypocritical  pretense  that  the  contributions  were  con 
sumed  by  the  officers  of  the  army.  They  are  the  men  who 
excused  themselves  from  contributing  for  the  relief  of  sol 
diers'  families  at  home  by  the  infamous  slander  that  they 
were  living  better  than  they  had  ever  done,  and  by  foul  im 
putations  on  the  chastity  of  soldiers'  wives.  They  are  the 
men  who  declared  in  speeches,  resolutions,  and  by  their 
votes  in  Congress,  that  not  another  man  nor  another  dollar 
should  be  voted  to  carry  on  a  cruel  war  against  their  South 
ern  brethren." 


132      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

Having  thus  faithfully  photographed  the  party  and 
its  leaders  he  completed  the  climax  by  saying :  — 

"  And  this  party,  composed  of  the  men  and  elements  I  have 
described,  in  defiance  of  truth  and  decency,  asserts  itself  as 
the  special  champion  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
which  but  a  short  sixteen  months  ago  it  was  in  arms  to  de 
stroy;  and  proclaims  to  an  astonished  world  that  the  onjy 
effect  of  vanquishing  armed  rebels  in  the  field  is  to  return 
them  to  seats  in  Congress,  and  to  restore  them  to  political 
power.  Having  failed  to  destroy  the  Constitution  by  force, 
they  seek  to  do  it  by  construction,  and  assume  to  have  made 
the  remarkable  discoveiy  that  rebels  who  fought  to  destroy 
the  Constitution  were  its  true  friends,  and  that  the  men  who 
shed  their  blood  and  gave  their  substance  to  preserve  it 
were  its  only  enemies." 

He  then  passed  to  other  topics,  contrasting  the  poli 
cies  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  during 
and  since  the  war  and  summing  up  the  salient  points  of 
the  political  situation  with  his  usual  comprehensiveness 
and  ability.  The  speech  was  regarded  by  the  Republic 
ans  of  Indiana  and  other  States  as  a  powerful  campaign 
document,  and  nearly  three  million  copies  of  it  were 
circulated  in  different  States  of  the  Union. 

During  the  campaign  which  followed  Governor  Mor 
ton  spoke  at  various  points  in  the  State,  and  never  with 
greater  power  or  effect.  The  election  resulted  in  a 
sweeping  Republican  victory.  The  Legislature  being 
largely  Republican  elected  him  United  States  senator  to 
succeed  Senator  Lane  without  a  single  dissenting  voice 
in  the  party.  It  was  universally  conceded  by  Republic 
ans  that  Governor  Morton  was  the  man  for  the  position, 


ELECTION  TO   THE   UNITED   STATES   SENATE.      133 

and  his  election  was  unanimous.  His  first  term  was 
for  six  years  from  March  4,  1867.  When  he  took  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  that  body  contained  many  able  and 
experienced  men.  He  had  little  or  no  experience  as  a 
legislator,  but  his  large  knowledge  of  public  affairs,  and 
his  varied  experience  as  governor  of  Indiana,  left  noth 
ing  to  be  desired  in  this  direction.  His  political  record 
and  services  were  known  in  that  body  as  they  were 
throughout  the  nation,  and  he  was  at  once  welcomed 
into  the  fullest  political  confidence  by  the  older  Repub 
lican  senators. 


CHAPTER    XII. 

HIS    SENATORIAL    CAREER. 

GOVERNOR  MORTON  was  twice  elected  to  the  United 
States  Senate  by  the  Republicans  of  Indiana,  his  first 
term  beginning  March  4,  1867,  and  his  second  March 
4,  1873.  It  would  be  impossible  within  the  limits  of 
this  sketch  to  present  anything  like  a  complete  history 
of  his  senatorial  services,  and  only  brief  reference  can 
be  made  to  some  of  the  leading  features.  Upon  his 
first  entrance  to  the  Senate,  in  making  up  the  standing 
committees  he  was  accorded  three  important  places,  — 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Manufactures  and  mem 
ber  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  and  that 
on  Military  Affairs.  During  his  ten  years  of  service 
he  filled  various  other  important  positions  and  was  at 
all  times  one  of  the  most  active  and  laborious  members 
of  the  body.  To  say  that  he  was  one  of  the  most  able 
and  influential  is  equally  a  matter  of  current  history. 
It  is  probably  safe  to  say  that  during  his  term  of  ser 
vice  he  was  prominently  identified  with  a  greater  num 
ber  of  important  measures  than  any  other  senator  of 
that  period,  if  not  of  any  period  in  the  history  of  the 
government.  Some  of  these  may  be  briefly  touched 
upon. 


HIS   SENATORIAL   CAREER.  135 

The  great  question  before  Congress  and  the  coun 
try  when  Senator  Morton  entered  the  Senate  was  that 
of  the  reconstruction  of  the  Southern  States.  The  con 
test  between  President  Johnson  and  Congress  had  at 
tracted  universal  attention  to  the  subject,  and  its  in 
trinsic  importance  made  it  the  theme  of  general  com 
ment  and  discussion.  The  great  question  was  how  far 
the  government  could  safely  go  in  restoring  the  late 
rebels  to  their  political  rights,  and  what  measures  were 
necessary  to  secure  republican  government  to  the 
Southern  States,  and  political  equality,  together  with 
safety  and  protection,  to  all  classes  of  people.  On  this 
question,  and  all  those  growing  out  of  it,  Senator  Mor 
ton  had  well  settled  views.  He  held  that  treason  was 
a  crime,  and  that  those  who  had  engaged  in  it  should 
be  made  to  realize  the  fact.  He  thought  that  men  who 
had  but  just  laid  down  their  arms  after  a  four  years' 
struggle  to  destroy  the  government  ought  not  to  be 
trusted  with  the  absolute  control  of  the  Southern 
States  without  the  exaction  of  guarantees  in  the  inter 
ests  of  liberty.  He  desired  to  accord  them  all  civil 
and  political  rights  as  soon  as  it  was  safe  to  do  so,  but 
he  wished  also  to  have  the  future  peace  and  security  of 
the  Union  "  so  imbedded  in  the  imperishable  bulwarks 
of  the  Constitution  that  the  waves  of  secession  might 

o 

dash  against  it  in  vain."  His  first  speech  in  the  Sen- 
.ite  was  upon  this  subject,  January  24,  1868.  He  had 
not  intended  to  speak  at  that  time  and  had  made  no 
special  preparation,  but  Senator  Doolittle  of  Wisconsin 
having  attacked  the  congressional  policy  of  reconstruc- 


136      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

tion,  Senator  Morton  replied.     At  the  beginning  of  his 
speech  he  thus  outlined  the  issue  before  the  country  :  — 

"  The  issue  here  to-day  is  the  same  which  prevails 
throughout  the  country,  which  will  be  the  issue  of  this  can 
vass,  and  perhaps  for  years  to  come.  It  is  between  two 
paramount  ideas,  each  struggling  for  the  supremacy.  One 
is,  that  the  war  to  suppress  the  rebellion  was  right  and  just 
on  our  part;  that  the  rebels  forfeited  their  civil  and  political 
rights,  and  can  only  be  restored  to  them  upon  such  condi 
tions  as  the  nation  may  prescribe  for  its  future  safety  and 
prosperity.  The  other  idea  is,  that  the  rebellion  was  not 
sinful  but  was  right;  that  those  engaged  in  it  forfeited  no 
rights,  civil  or  political,  and  have  a  right  to  take  charge  of 
their  state  governments,  and  be  restored  to  their  represen 
tation  in  Congress,  just  as  if  there  were  no  rebellion  and 
nothing  had  occurred.  The  immediate  issue  before  the 
Senate  now  is  between  the  existing  state  governments  es 
tablished  under  the  policy  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  in  the  rebel  States  and  the  plan  of  reconstruction 
presented  by  Congress." 

He  then  proceeded  to  demonstrate,  first,  that  when 
the  war  closed  the  rebel  States  were  without  state  gov 
ernments  of  any  kind,  since  the  state  governments  ex 
isting  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  had  been  overturned 
by  the  rebels,  and  those  erected  by  the  rebels  had  been 
overturned  by  our  armies,  leaving  the  Southern  States 
without  any  government  whatever.  Second,  quoting 
that  clause  of  the  Constitution  which  provides  that  "  the 
United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this 
Union  a  republican  form  of  government,"  he  proved, 
conclusively,  that  Congress  alone  had  the  right  to  exer 
cise  that  power,  and  that  it  must  be  done  by  -a  legisla- 


HIS   SENATORIAL   CAREER.  137 

tive  act.  He  then  considered  the  powers  of  Congress 
in  the  execution  of  the  guarantee,  how  it  should  be 
executed,  and  what  means  might  be  employed  for  this 
purpose.  This  branch  of  the  subject  was  exhaustively 
treated,  and  the  conclusion  reached  that  Congress  not 
only  had  the  power,  but  was  in  duty  bound,  to  pre 
scribe  such  a  plan  of  reconstruction  as  would  insure 
justice,  security,  and  equal  rights  to  all  classes  in  the 
South.  This  could  only  be  done  by  giving  the  colored 
race  the  right  of  suffrage.  After  having  shown  the 
fallacy  of  President  Johnson's  plan  of  reconstruction 
and  the  dangerous  results  which  it  involved,  he  con 
tinued:  — 

"  Sir,  when  Congress  entered  upon  this  work,  it  had  be 
come  apparent  to  all  men  that  loyal  republican  state  govern 
ments,  such  as  are  required  by  the  Constitution,  could  not 
be  erected  and  maintained  upon  the  basis  of  the  white  popu 
lation.  We  had  tried  them.  Congress  had  attempted  the 
work  of  reconstruction  through  the  fourteenth  constitutional 
amendment,  by  leaving  the  suffrage  with  the  white  men, 
and  by  leaving  with  the  white  people  of  the  South  the  ques 
tion  as  to  when  the  colored  people  should  exercise  the  right 
of  suffrage,  if  ever ;  but  when  it  was  found  that  those  white 
men  were  as  rebellious  as  ever  ;  when  it  was  found  that  they 
persecuted  the  loyal  men,  both  white  and  black,  in  their 
midst;  when  it  was  found  that  Northern  men  who  had  gone 
down  there  were  driven  out  by  social  tyranny,  by  a  thou 
sand  annoyances,  by  the  insecurity  of  life  and  property,  — 
then  it  became  apparent  to  all  men  of  intelligence  that  re 
construction  could  not  take  place  upon  the  basis  of  the  white 
population,  and  something  else  must  be  done.  Now,  sir, 
what  was  there  left  to  do  ?  Either  we  must  hold  these  peo 
ple  continually  by  military  power,  or  we  must  use  such 


138      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

machinery  on  such  a  new  basis  as  would  enable  loyal  repub 
lican  governments  to  be  raised  up  ;  and  in  the  last  result  I 
will  say  Congress  waited  long,  the  nation  waited  long,  ex 
perience  had  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  reason  before  the  thing 
was  done  —  in  the  last  resort,  and,  as  the  last  thing  to  be 
done,  Congress  determined  to  dig  through  all  the  rubbish  — 
dig  through  the  soil  and  the  shifting  sands,  and  go  down  to 
the  eternal  rock,  and  there,  upon  the  basis  of  the  everlasting 
principle  of  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men,  we  have 
planted  the  column  of  reconstruction  ;  and,  sir,  it  will  arise 
slowly,  but  surely,  and  '  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail 
against  it.'  ' 

Senator  Doolittle  had  charged  Senator  Morton  with 
inconsistency  on  the  question  of  negro  suffrage.  On 
this  point  the  latter  said  :  — 

"  Why,  sir,  let  me  frankly  say  to  my  friend  from  Wis 
consin,  that  I  approached  universal  colored  suffrage  in  the 
South  reluctantly.  Not  because  I  adhered  to  the  miserable 
dogma  that  this  was  the  white  man's  government,  but  be 
cause  I  entertained  fears  about  at  once  intrusting  a  large 
body  of  men  just  from  slavery,  to  whom  education  had  been 
denied  by  law,  to  whom  the  marriage  relation  had  been  de 
nied,  who  had  been  made  the  most  abject  slaves,  with  politi 
cal  power.  And  as  the  senator  has  referred  to  a  speech 
which  I  made  in  Indiana  in  1865,  allow  me  to  show  the 
principle  which  then  actuated  me,  for  in  that  speech  I  said  : 
4  In  regard  to  the  question  of  admitting  the  freedmen  of  the 
Southern  States  to  vote,  while  I  admit  the  equal  rights  of  all 
men,  and  that  in  time  all  men  will  have  the  right  to  vote, 
without  distinction  of  color  or  race,  I  yet  believe  that  in 
the  case  of  four  millions  of  slaves,  just  freed  from  bondage, 
there  should  be  a  period  of  probation  and  preparation  before 
they  are  brought  to  the  exercise  of  political  power.'  Such 
was  my  feeling  at  that  time,  for  it  had  not  then  been  deter- 


HIS   SENATORIAL   CAREER.  139 

mined  by  the  bloody  experience  of  the  last  two  years  that 
we  could  not  reconstruct  upon  the  basis  of  the  white  popula 
tion,  and  such  was  the  opinion  of  a  great  majority  of  the 

people  of  the  North I  confess  (and  I  do  it  without 

shame)  that  I  have  been  educated  by  the  great  events  of  the 
war.  The  American  people  have  been  educated  rapidly; 
and  the  man  who  says  he  has  learned  nothing,  that  he 
stands  now  where  he  did  six  years  ago,  is  like  an  ancient 
mile-post  by  the  side  of  a  deserted  highway." 

Having  further  demonstrated  the  utter  folly  of  try 
ing  to  establish  the  Southern  state  governments  on  the 
basis  of  white  suffrage  alone,  he  concluded  :  — 

*'  The  column  of  reconstruction  has  risen  slowly.  It  has 
not  been  hewn  from  a  single  stone.  It  is  composed  of  many 
blocks,  painfully  laid  up  and  put  together,  and  cemented  by 
the  tears  and  blood  of  the  nation.  Sir,  we  have  done  noth 
ing  arbitrarily.  We  have  done  nothing  for  punishment  — 
aye,  too  little  for  punishment.  Justice  has  not  had  her  de 
mand.  Not  a  man  has  yet  been  executed  for  this  great  trea 
son.  The  arch-fiend  himself  is  now  at  liberty  upon  bail. 
No  man  is  to  be  punished;  and  now  while  punishment  has 
gone  by,  as  we  all  know,  we  are  insisting  dnly  upon  security 
for  the  future.  We  are  simply  asking  that  the  evil  spirits 
who  brought  this  war  upon  us  shall  not  again  come  into  power 
during  this  generation,  again  to  bring  upon  us  rebellion  and 
calamity.  We  are  simply  asking  for  those  securities  that  we 
deem  necessary  for  our  peace  and  the  peace  of  our  posterity." 

The  meagre  outline  here  presented  furnishes  but  a 
faint  conception  of  the  speech.  It  was  universally  con- 
»eded  to  be  a  masterly  presentation  of  the  subject,  and 
it  placed  Senator  Morton  at  once  in  the  foremost  rank 
of  debaters  in  the  Senate.  Considering  his  incomplete 
preparation  and  the  circumstances  of  its  delivery,  he 


140      LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

himself  regarded  it  as  one  of  the  best  speeches  he  ever 
made.  Mr.  Barnes,  the  congressional  historian,  pro 
nounced  it  "  one  of  the  most  memorable  and  effective 
speeches  ever  delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate," 
and  the  venerable  Thaddeus  Stevens  declared  that  it 
was  the  first  successful  attempt  to  defend  the  recon 
struction  policy  of  Congress.  The  national  executive 
committee  had  it  published  as  a  campaign  document 
and  distributed  two  million  copies  of  it  during  the  en 
suing  presidential  campaign.  It  was  the  key-note  of 
Senator  Morton's  whole  course  of  action  towards  the 
lately  rebellious  States.  He  was  always  ready  to  wel 
come  an  honest  return  to  allegiance,  and  accord  the 
Southern  States  and  people  an  equal  place  in  the  Union 
if  they  would  give  evidence  of  having  heartily  accepted 
the  results  of  the  war  and  the  principles  of  liberty,  law, 
and  justice.  He  was  willing  to  forgive  the  past  but 
he  wanted  guarantees  for  the  future.  In  his  opening 
speech  of  the  presidential  campaign  of  1876,  made  at 
Indianapolis,  August  10th  of  that  year,  he  said  :  "  Let  me 
say  to  the  men  of  the  South,  there  is  but  one  highway 
to  reconciliation,  and  that  is  open,  straight,  and  free ; 
and  over  its  portal  are  inscribed  these  words :  *  Equal 
rights  to  all ;  to  all  equal  protection  of  the  laws.'  If  the 
Southern  people  will  walk  in  that  highway  they  will 
arrive  at  the  temple  of  peace  and  find  unbroken  rest." 
In  another  speech,  the  opening  one  of  a  political  cam 
paign  in  Ohio,  he  said  :  "  While  I  was  willing  to  go  to 
the  limits  of  constitutional  power  to  establish  the  au 
thority  of  the  government  in  the  South,  to  give  equal 


HIS   SENATORIAL   CAREER.  141 

civil  and  political  rights  to  all  without  regard  to  race  or 
color,  to  suppress  disorder  and  to  protect  life,  liberty, 
and  property,  and  will  do  so  again  if  necessary,  I  am 
from  my  heart  anxious  for  the  complete  restoration  of 
the  South,  the  upbuilding  of  her  prosperity,  and  the  re 
union  of  all  the  States  in  sentiments  of  love  to  each 
other  and  devotion  to  our  common  country."  Like 
sentiments  are  found  in  most  of  his  speeches,  and  they 
are  those  of  a  statesman  and  patriot,  not  of  a  section- 
alist. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

HIS    SENATORIAL    CAREER,    CONTINUED. 

To  no  one  person,  living  or  dead,  is  the  credit  for 
the  adoption  of  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  so  largely  due  as  to  Senator  Morton.  The 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  amendments  had  both  been 
adopted  before  he  entered  the  Senate,  but  he  had  been 
actively  instrumental  in  securing  their  ratification  in 
Indiana.  The  congressional  policy  of  reconstruction  con 
templated  conferring  the  voting  franchise  on  the  ne 
groes  of  the  South  as  a  measure  at  once  of  justice  to 
them  and  protection  to  the  Union.  This  was  the  object 
of  the  fifteenth  amendment,  the  discussion  of  which 
occupied  a  large  share  of  attention  during  the  third 
session  of  the  Fortieth  Congress,  and  the  final  ratifica 
tion  of  which  was  mainly  due  to  Senator  Morton's  per 
sistence  of  purpose  and  boldness  of  action. 

After  an  exhaustive  debate  upon  the  subject  and  an 
all  night  session,  the  report  of  the  Senate  committee, 
recommending  the  adoption  of  the  amendment,  was 
agreed  to  early  in  the  morning.  Senator  Morton  had 
championed  the  measure  from  the  beginning,  and  had 
been  ably  seconded  by  other  Republican  senators.  Sen 
ator  Sumner  had  opposed  it  on  the  double  ground, 


HIS   SENATORIAL    CAREER.  143 

first,  that  it  virtually  conceded  that  Congress  had  not 
the  power  to  regulate  suffrage  in  the  States  by  legisla 
tion  ;  and  second,  that  even  if  adopted  by  Congress,  the 
amendment  would  not  be  ratified  by  a  sufficient  number 
of  States  to  make  it  operative.  Three  fourths  of  the 
States  (twenty-eight)  were  required,  and  to  make  this 
number  Indiana,  Texas,  Virginia,  Mississippi,  and  Geor 
gia  would  be  required  in  addition  to  those  States  cer 
tain  to  ratify.  Senator  Sumner  was  confident  that  the 
ratification  of  these  States  could  not  be  secured.  Sen 
ator  Morton,  on  the  other  hand,  believed  it  could  be. 
At  all  events,  he  maintained  that  the  amendment  was 
right  in  itself,  necessary  to  the  peace  and  security  of 
the  Union,  and  that  it  should  be  adopted  by  Congress 
and  the  question  of  ratification  be  left  to  the  future. 
Enough  senators  agreed  with  him  to  secure  the  pas 
sage  of  the  amendment  and  it  was  adopted,  the  Demo 
crats  all  voting  against  it,  and  Senator  Sumner  not  vot 
ing  at  all.  The  Indiana  Legislature  was  in  session  at 
the  time,  the  Republicans  having  a  majority  in  each 
branch,  but  not  a  quorum  (two  thirds)  in  the  House. 
To  prevent  the  ratification  of  the  amendment  by  the 
House,  therefore,  the  Democratic  members  resigned  in 
a  body,  thus  breaking  a  quorum.  This  was  treated  as 
the  breaking  up  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  members 
of  both  Houses  dispersed  to  their  homes.  Governor 
Baker,  however,  ordered  new  elections  in  the  counties 
from  which  these  members  had  resigned,  and  in  April, 
18G9,  convened  the  Legislature  in  extra  session.  Near 
the  close  of  the  session,  the  Republicans  having  an- 


144      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.    MORTON. 

nounced  their  purpose  of  ratifying  the  amendment,  the 
Democrats  again  resigned  to  break  a  quorum.  In  this, 
however,  they  were  to  be  defeated.  Senator  Morton 
returned  home  on  the  very  morning  the  resignations 
were  handed  in,  and,  learning  what  had  been  done,  im 
mediately  sent  word  to  the  Republican  members  not  to 
adjourn,  but  to  .meet  him  that  night  in  consultation  at 
the  supreme  court  room.  On  assembling,  he  addressed 
them  at  length,  taking  the  ground  that  a  quorum  of  the 
House  was  not  broken  by  a  resignation  of  more  than 
one  third  of  the  members ;  that  the  constitutional  pro 
vision  requiring  two  thirds  of  the  members  of  each 
House  to  constitute  a  quorum  meant  two  thirds  of  the 
actual  members,  and  that  when  a  member  resigned,  he 
was  no  longer  a  member,  and  could  not  be  counted  as 
such,  and  that  two  thirds  of  the  remaining  members 
constituted  a  quorum.  His  argument  was  conclusive  of 
the  question,  and  the  next  morning  both  Houses  of  the 
Legislature  met  and  ratified  the  amendment.  Their 
proceedings  were  duly  certified  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  at  Washington,  and  Indiana  was  counted  as  hav 
ing  ratified  the  amendment.  The  Democrats  who  re 
signed  were  equally  surprised  and  disgusted  at  this  turn 
of  affairs.  The  next  Legislature  (the  Democrats  being 
in  a  majority)  passed  a  joint  resolution  declaring  the 
"  pretended  "  ratification  "  null  and  void,"  and  "  with 
drawing  and  rescinding  all  action,  perfect  and  imperfect, 
on  the  part  of  this  State,  purporting  to  assent  to  and 
ratify  said  proposed  fifteenth  amendment."  Their  pro 
test,  however,  amounted  to  nothing,  and  the  ratification 
held  good. 


HIS   SENATORIAL   CAREER.  14£ 

The  means  by  which  he  obtained  the  ratification  of 
three  more  States  illustrates  his  fertility  of  resources 
and  his  eminent  qualities  of  leadership.  Pending  the 
adoption  of  the  amendment  a  bill  was  introduced  in 
the  House  providing  for  the  reconstruction  of  Virginia, 
Texas,  and  Mississippi.  Here  was  another  opportunity, 
and  Senator  Morton  seized  it.  When  the  bill  reached 
the  Senate,  he  submitted  as  an  amendment  an  additional 
section,  providing  that  before  these  States  should  be 
admitted  to  representation  in  Congress  they  should 
ratify  the  proposed  fifteenth  amendment.  The  bill 
and  amendment  were  referred  to  the  Judiciary  Com 
mittee,  which  reported  adversely  to  the  amendment. 
A  debate  ensued  lasting  three  days,  in  which  Senator 
Trumbull,  chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee,  led  in 
support  of  the  committee's  report,  and  Senator  Morton 
in  support  of  his  amendment.  This  debate  brought 
Senator  Morton  again  prominently  before  the  Senate 
and  the  country.  The  importance  of  the  subject,  and 
the  ability  with  which  the  discussion  was  conducted, 
caused  it  to  be  regarded  with  unusual  interest.  At  its 
conclusion  a  vote  was  taken  and  Senator  Morton  was 
sustained.  His  amendment  passed  the  Senate  and  sub 
sequently  the  House,  and  thus  the  ratification  of  Vir 
ginia,  Texas,  and  Mississippi  was  secured. 

There  remained  but  one  more  obstinate  State  to 
secure,  and  Senator  Morton  was  mainly  instrumental 
in  accomplishing  that.  Georgia  had  been  reconstructed 
in  1868,  but  had  subsequently  violated  faith  with  the 
government  by  expelling  all  the  colored  members  of 


146      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

the  Legislature,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not 
eligible  to  hold  office.  In  December,  1869,  therefore, 
Senator  Morton  introduced  a  bill  instructing  the  military 
commandant  to  reconvene  the  Georgia  Legislature,  in 
cluding  the  colored  members  elect,  and  authorizing  it 
thus  convened  to  proceed  to  the  work  of  reconstruction 
by  the  election  of  two  United  States  senators,  who 
should  become  entitled  to  their  seats  as  soon  as  the 
Legislature  should  ratify  the  fifteenth  amendment. 
The  Judiciary  Committee,  as  before,  took  exception  to 
the  last  provision,  and  reported  against  it.  Another 
debate  ensued,  similar  in  spirit  to  the  former,  and  con 
ducted  with  equal  ability.  As  before,  however,  Sena 
tor  Morton  was  successful,  his  bill  passing  the  Senate 
in  its  original  shape  by  seven  majority.  Thus  was 
secured  the  ratification  of  the  last  of  the  five  States 
which,  a  year  previously,  Senator  Sumner  had  declared 
could  not  be  secured,  and  the  fifteenth  amendment 
became  a  part  of  the  Constitution.  The  ratification  of 
that  noble  and  beneficent  measure  might,  in  time,  have 
been  secured  by  other  means,  but  it  stands  to-day  a 
grand  and  perpetual  monument  of  Senator  Morton's 
persistency  of  purpose,  fertility  of  resources,  and  un 
flinching  devotion  to  the  cause  of  justice.  His  numer 
ous  speeches  in  favor  of  the  amendment  furnish  the 
strongest  arguments  to  be  found  on  that  side,  while  the 
facts  here  adduced  show  that  its  final  ratification  was 
in  great  measure  due  to  his  bold  and  adroit  leadership. 

He  led  in  the  great  debates  on  the  Ku-Klux  outrages 


HIS   SENATORIAL   CAREER.  147 

in  the  South,  on  the  amnesty  question,  the  Louisiana 
case,  the  Mississippi  election,  and  others  which  have 
passed  into  political  history.  Upon  these  and  all  kin 
dred  questions  he  held  firmly  to  his  conviction  that 
treason  was  a  crime,  that  the  supremacy  of  the  Con 
stitution  must  be  enforced,  the  rights  of  the  weak  pro 
tected,  political  toleration  guaranteed,  and  the  equality 
of  all  men  before  the  law  made  a  living  fact  instead 
of  a  barren  ideality.  He  was  never  for  a  single  mo 
ment  actuated  by  hatred  of  the  South,  but  he  was  inex 
orable  in  his  demand  that  the  laws  should  be  enforced 
and  that  the  fruits  of  the  war  should  not  be  weakly 
surrendered  or  criminally  thrown  away.  His  political 
defamers  took  pleasure  in  calling  him  "  the  apostle  of 
hate,"  etc.,  but  the  impartial  historian  will  write  that 
his  whole  course  towards  the  States  and  people  of  the 
South  was  actuated  by  praiseworthy  and  patriotic  mo 
tives.  In  one  of  his  speeches  in  the  Senate  he  said  : 
"  Sir,  I  want  peace  in  the  South  ;  I  want  it  as  earnestly 
as  any  man  can ;  but  I  want  peace  in  the  South  on 
correct  principles.  I  am  not  willing  to  purchase  peace 
by  conceding  that  they  were  right  and  that  we  were 
wrong."  This  was  the  key-note  of  all  his  speeches. 
He  wished  to  base  the  reconstruction  of  the  South  on 
enduring  principles  and  to  rear  the  temple  of  peace, 
not  on  a  foundation  of  shifting  sand,  but  upon  the  solid 
rock. 

He  filled   the  difficult   position  of  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Privileges  and  Elections  with  great  abil- 


148      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

Jty.  Thoroughly  versed  in  the  law  of  elections,  watch- 
ful  of  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the  Senate,  and  careful 
of  the  rights  of  individuals,  no  man  ever  brought  better 
qualifications  to  the  consideration  and  settlement  of  dis 
puted  elections  than  did  Senator  Morton.  The  record 
will  show  that  he  treated  every  question  brought  before 
him  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and  entirely  removed  from 
partisan  bias.  In  one  instance  he  was  the  means  of 
excluding  an  unworthy  Republican  claimant  from  the 
Senate  and  bringing  him  to  merited  disgrace.  This 
was  the  case  of  Senator  Caldwell  of  Kansas,  who  was 
charged  with  having  bought  his  election  to  the  Senate. 
As  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Elections  it  became 
the  duty  of  Senator  Morton  to  investigate  the  case,  and 
upon  the  evidence  adduced  he  reported  in  favor  of 
Caldwell's  expulsion,  and  took  high  ground  in  favor  of 
purifying  the  Senate.  There  was  no  question  of  Cald 
well's  guilt,  but  his  friends  demanded  that  the  Senate 
should  simply  declare  his  election  void,  instead  of  ex 
pelling  him.  Some  of  the  ablest  members  of  the  Sen 
ate  opposed  Senator  Morton  in  this  matter,  but  he  so 
pressed  the  corrupt  senator  that  in  order  to  escape  the 
certainty  of  impending  expulsion  he  resigned,  thereby 
confessing  all  that  had  been  charged  and  proved. 

He  took  a  leading  part  in  the  protracted  discussion 
of  the  Louisiana  question  and  showed  a  complete  mas 
tery  of  all  its  phases.  Though  he  did  not  always  carry 
his  party  with  him  in  this  matter,  he  always  stood  on 
solid  ground,  and  the  facts  and  arguments  which  he 


HIS   SENATORIAL    CAREER. 

adduced  were  never  answered.  It  is  conclusive  proof 
at  once  of  his  political  sagacity  and  his  mastery  of  the 
subject  that  even  after  his  death  his  report  on  the  Lou 
isiana  senatorial  contest  was  accepted  as  an  authorita 
tive  exposition  of  the  case,  and  the  question  of  Senator 
Kellogg's  admission  settled  in  accordance  with  princi 
ples  laid  down  by  him  while  living. 

As  a  member  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations  he  was  influential  in  shaping  the  action  of  the 
government  in  regard  to  the  Alabama  claims  and  in 
bringing  about  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  under 
which  they  were  finally  settled.  In  this  connection  it 
may  be  stated  that  in  October,  1870,  President  Grant 
tendered  him  the  English  Mission  for  the  express  pur 
pose,  as  was  then  understood,  of  securing  his  services  in 
the  settlement  of  this  difficult  and  delicate  question. 
No  higher  tribute  could  have  been  paid  to  his  ability, 
character,  and  patriotism.  The  appointment  was  warmly 
approved  by  the  entire  Republican  press  of  the  country, 
and  Senator  Morton's  first  impulse  was  to  accept  it ; 
but  upon  further  consideration,  and  especially  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  the  Democrats  had  then  the  control  of 
the  Indiana  Legislature  and  would  elect  a  Democrat  to 
the  Senate  if  he  should  resign,  he  declined  the  prof 
fered  honor.  Upon  this  the  President  sent  him  the  fol 

lowing :  — 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  October  21. 
"  HON.  O.  P.  MORTON,  U.  S.  S.  : 

"  Dear  Sir,  — Your  letter  of  the  19th  inst.,  declining  the 
English  Mission,  with  reasons  therefor,  is  received.  I  fully 


150      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

concur  with  you  in  all  the  reasons  which  you  give  for  the 
course  you  find  it  your  duty  to  pursue  in  the  matter,  but  re 
gret  that  the  country  is  not  to  have  your  valuable  services 
at  the  English  Court  at  this  important  juncture.  Your 
course,  however,  I  deem  wise,  and  it  will  be  highly  appre 
ciated  by  your  constituents  in  Indiana  and  throughout  the 
country. 

"  With  assurances  of  my  highest  regards,  I  remain,  very 
truly,  your  obedient  servant,  U.  S.  GRANT." 

This  was  but  one  of  many  marks  of  confidence  which 
he  received  from  President  Grant,  who  regarded  him  as 
preeminently  the  Republican  leader  of  the  Senate  and 
the  main  pillar  of  his  administration. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

OTHER    PUBLIC    AND    POLITICAL    SERVICES. 

IN  January,  1873,  the  Committee  on  Privileges  and 
Elections  having  been  instructed  "  to  examine  and  re 
port  upon  the  best  and  most  practicable  mode  of  elect 
ing  the  President  and  Vice-president,  and  providing  a 
tribunal  to  adjust  and  decide  all  contested  elections 
connected  therewith,"  Senator  Morton  delivered  a 
speech  in  the  Senate  in  favor  of  abolishing  the  Elec 
toral  College,  and  electing  the  President  and  Vice-presi 
dent  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  by  districts.  In  the 
course  of  an  elaborate  argument  of  the  question,  he 
dwelt  upon  the  dangers  of  the  present  system,  and  es 
pecially  on  the  fact  that,  as  now  organized,  there  is  no 
tribunal  for  the  settlement  of  electoral  contests.  On 
this  point  he  said  :  — 

"There  is  imminent  danger  of  revolution  to  the  nation 
whenever  the  result  of  a  presidential  election  is  to  be  deter 
mined  by  the  vote  of  a  State  in  which  the  choice  of  electors 
has  been  irregular,  or  is  alleged  to  have  been  carried  by 
fraud  or  violence,  and  where  there  is  no  method  of  having 
these  questions  examined  and  settled  in  advance ;  where  the 
choice  of  president  depends  upon  the  election  in  a  State 
which  has  been  publicly  characterized  by  fraud  or  violence, 
and  in  which  one  party  is  alleged  to  have  triumphed  and 


152        LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

secured  the  certificates  of  election  by  chicanery  or  the  fraud 
ulent  interposition  of  courts If  the  system  of  electo 
ral  colleges  is  to  be  continued,  some  means  should  be  devised 
by  which  the  election  of  these  electors  in  the  States  may  be 
contested  so  that  if  it  has  been  controlled  by  fraud  or  vio 
lence,  or  if  there  be  two  sets  of  electors,  each  claiming  the 
right  to  cast  the  vote  of  a  State,  there  may  be  some  machin 
ery  or  tribunal  provided  by  which  fraudulent  returns  could 
be  set  aside  or  corrected,  and  the  contending  claims  of  differ 
ent  sets  of  electors  be  settled  in  advance  of  the  time  when 
the  vote  is  to  be  finally  counted,  and  by  which  the  President 
of  the  Senate  may  no  longer  be  left  to  exercise  the  danger 
ous  powers  that  seem  to  be  placed  in  his  hands  by  the  Con 
stitution,  nor  the  two  houses  of  Congress  by  the  twenty- 
second  joint  rule.'7 

Considering  that  these  words  were  spoken  in  Janu 
ary,  1873,  they  seein  almost  prophetic  of  the  great 
presidential  controversy  and  crisis  of  1876,  which  de 
veloped  itself  precisely  in  the  line  of  Senator  Morton's 
apprehensions.  By  his  later  speeches,  lectures,  and 
review  articles  he  succeeded  in  so  thoroughly  arousing 
the  public  mind  to  the  necessity  of  a  change  in  this 
behalf  that  it  may  now  be  regarded  as  only  a  question 
of  time,  and  that  not  distant. 

In  the  presidential  controversy  just  referred  to,  be 
lieving  that  the  Republican  candidates  had  been  fairly 
elected,  he  stood  strongly  for  the  constitutional  right 
of  the  President  of  the  Senate  to  open  and  count  the 
votes,  and  was  opposed  to  .the  creation  of  the  electoral 
commission.  Congress,  however,  having  passed  the 
bill  to  create  the  commission,  he  was  appointed  a  mem 
ber  thereof  on  the  part  of  the  Senate.  In  this  capacity 


OTHER   PUBLIC   AND   POLITICAL    SERVICES. 

he  acted  and  voted  in  strict  accordance  with  previously 
expressed  views.  In  1873,  in  the  speech  above  quoted 
from,  he  said:  "The  proposition  that  Congress  has 
power  to  sit  as  a  canvassing  board  upon  the  electoral 
votes  of  the  States,  admitting  or  rejecting  them  for 
reasons  of  its  own,  subverts  the  whole  theory  by  which 

their  appointment  was  conferred  upon  the  States 

There  is  no  such  express  power  given  to  Congress  in 
the  Constitution,  nor  is  it  necessary  to  carry  out  any 
express  power  therein  given,  and  its  exercise  would  be 
in  direct  conflict  with  the  known  purpose  of  the  framers 
to  make  the  executive  and  legislative  department  as 
nearly  independent  of  each  other  as  possible."  In  ac 
cordance  with  these  views  he  voted  steadily  against  the 
right  of  the  commission,  whose  powers  were  derived 
from  Congress,  to  go  behind  the  regularly  certified 
electoral  vote  of  any  State. 

No  American  statesman  of  recent  times  labored  so 
hard  or  so  effectively  as  Senator  Morton  to  inculcate 
the  idea  that  the  United  States  are  a  nation,  and  not  a 
mere  confederation  of  States.  To  his  mind  the  former 
idea  embraced  the  true  conception  of  our  governmental 
system,  and  the  only  one  on  which  the  Union  can  be 
made  enduring,  while  the  latter  contained  the  very  ele 
ments  of  Toakness,  disintegration,  and  ruin.  This  was 
a  cardinal  doctrine  of  his  whole  political  life.  In  May, 
1860,  he  wrote :  "  It  cannot  be  too  strongly  impressed 
upon  the  public  mind  that  we  are  one  people,  a  nation, 
and  not  a  mere  coalition  of  sovereign  and  independent 


15-1      LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

States."  In  a  message  to  the  Indiana  Legislature  in 
November,  1865,  he  said:  "The  war  has  established 
upon  imperishable  foundations  the  great  fundamental 
truth  of  the  unity  and  indivisibility  of  the  nation.  We 
are  many  States,  but  one  people,  having  one  undivided 
sovereignty,  one  flag,  and  one  common  destiny."  In  a 
lecture,  delivered  at  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  Novem 
ber  27,  1871,  in  the  Franklin  Lyceum  course,  he  took 
for  his  theme  the  "  National  Idea,"  and  elaborated  the 
subject  very  thoroughly,  tracing  the  development  of 
the  State  Sovereignty  doctrine  from  the  resolutions  of 
1798  to  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion,  and  showing 
how  pregnant  it  had  always  been  with  danger  to  the 
country.  In  the  course  of  this  address  Senator  Mor 
ton  said :  "  The  idea  that  we  are  a  nation,  that  we  are 
one  people,  undivided  and  indivisible,  should  be  a  plank 
in  the  platform  of  every  party.  It  should  be  presented 
on  the  banner  of  every  party.  It  should  be  taught  in 
every  school,  academy,  and  college.  It  should  be  the 
political  north  star,  by  which  every  political  manager 
should  steer  his  bark.  It  should  be  the  central  idea  of 
American  politics,  and  every  child  should,  so  to  speak, 
be  vaccinated  with  the  idea,  that  he  may  be  protected 
against  this  political  distemper  that  has  brought  such 
calamity  upon  our  country."  Again,  in  a  speech  deliv 
ered  in  Ohio  in  August,  1873,  he  used  the  following 
fine  figure  :  — 

"  What  the  sun  is  in  the  heavens,  diffusing  light  and  life 
and  warmth,  and  by  its  subtle  influence  holding  the  planets 
in  their  orbits,  and  preserving  the  harmony  of  the  universe, 


OTHER   PUBLIC   AND   POLITICAL   SERVICES.      155 

such  is  the  sentiment  of  nationality  in  a  people,  diffusing 
life  and  protection  in  every  direction,  holding  the  faces  of 
Americans  always  towards  their  home,  protecting  the  States 
in  the  exercise  of  their  just  powe.rs,  and  preserving  the 
harmony  of  all.  We  must  have  a  nation.  It  is  a  necessity 
of  our  political  existence.  We  should  cherish  the  idea  that 
while  the  States  have  their  rights,  sacred  and  inviolable, 
which  we  should  guard  with  untiring  vigilance,  never  per 
mitting  an  encroachment  upon  them,  and  remembering  that 
such  encroachment  is  as  much  a  violation  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  as  to  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  the 
general  government',  still  bearing  in  mind  that  the  States 
are  but  subordinate  parts  of  one  great  nation  —  that  the 
nation  is  over  all,  even  as  God  is  over  the  universe." 

Similar  quotations  might  be  made  at  length.  From 
nearly  all  his  speeches  and  addresses  delivered  in  or 
out  of  the  Senate  the  idea  crops  out  with  ever  recur 
ring  force  that  the  American  people  are  one  people, 
and  this  government  a  government  of  the  people  and 
not  of  States  —  in  short,  that  we  are  a  nation,  and  not 
a  confederacy.  In  the  attempted  secession  of  the 
Southern  States  and  the  war  which  followed  he  saw 
the  natural  fruits  of  the  doctrine  that  the  government 
is  a  mere  confederation  of 'sovereign  States,  while  in 
the  successful  effort  of  the  government  to  preserve  the 
Union  he  recognized  the  grand  idea  of  national  soli 
darity. 

Senator  Morton's  campaign  speeches  may  fairly  be 
ranked  among  his  services  to  the  country,  for  he  al 
ways  spoke  on  the  side  of  law  and  loyalty,  justice  and 
equal  rights.  Notwithstanding  his  physical  infirmity 


156      LIFE   AND    SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

during  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life,  he  never  failed  to 
take  part  in  a  political  campaign  in  Indiana,  and  often 
visited  other  States  in  response  to  the  urgent  appeals 
of  Republicans  who  knew  so  well  the  power  of  his 
earnest  eloquence.  Believing  the  Republican  party  to 
represent  the  principles  of  liberty  and  progress,  and 
regarding  it  as  the  political  embodiment  of  those  ideas 
upon  which  alone  the  government  could  be  maintained, 
his  whole  soul  was  bound  up  in  its  success,  and  nothing 
short  of  absolute  prostration  could  prevent  him  from 
participating  in  any  campaign  where  his  services  were 
desired.  In  Indiana  he  was  regarded  as  the  head  and 
front  of  the  party,  —  its  organizer,  counselor,  captain, 
and  chief.  His  influence  largely  shaped  every  political 
campaign  in  the  State  from  1860  to  1876  ;  he  generally 
made  the  "  key-note  speech  "  and  took  an  active  part  in 
the  canvass  that  followed.  His  printed  speeches  con 
stitute  a  rich  mine  of  current  political  thought  from 
which,  for  a  long  time  to  come,  Republican  speakers 
may  draw  their  most  effective  arguments.  But,  as  be 
fore  stated,  his  services  in  this  regard  were  not  confined 
to  Indiana.  Wherever  there  was  a  hard  or  doubtful 
contest  he  was  sent  for,  and  never  failed  to  respond. 
Thus,  in  Ohio,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  Maine,  and  other 
States,  his  very  name  came  to  be  a  tower  of  Repub 
lican  strength,  and  vast  crowds  assembled  to  hear  the 
great  leader,  partially  disabled  and  sitting,  launch  his 
thunderbolts  of  argument  and  invective  against  the 
Democratic  party.  In  spite  of  his  physical  infirmity, 
few  men  would  travel  farther  or  by  rougher  convey- 


OTHER   PUBLIC   AND   POLITICAL   SERVICES.      157 

ances  to  keep  a  political  appointment,  and  probably  not 
another  in  any  State  would  so  sacrifice  his  private 
business  and  personal  convenience  to  the  service  of  his 
party,  as  Senator  Morton.  And  yet,  we  repeat,  he 
worked  for  the  Republican  party  not  more  for  its  own 
sake  than  because  he  believed  that  through  it  was  the 
only  practicable  way  of  serving  and  saving  the  country. 
Senator  Morton's  political  speeches  abound  with  pas 
sages  remarkable  for  condensed  logic,  terseness  of  ex 
pression,  aptness  of  illustration,  purity  of  English,  and 
elegance  of  diction.  He  did  not  aim  to  be  ornamental 
in  his  speeches,  but  he  was  often  very  happy  in  his  ex 
pressions  and  illustrations.  Nor  was  he  wanting  in  the 
highest  powers  of  eloquence  if  by  that  term  we  under 
stand  the  power  of  moving  and  convincing.  He  could 
hold  and  move  and  sway  great  assemblages  of  men. 
The  Hon.  John  U.  Pettit  writes :  "  I  think  that  Gov 
ernor  Morton's  character  as  a  speaker,  especially  in  his 
early  years,  has  not  been  well  described,  especially  in 
so  much  of  it  as  denied  him  emotion  and  enthusiasm. 
I  have  in  my  mind  one  instance,  a  memorable  one,  in 
which  he  wrought  an  immense  audience  to  tears."  He 
could  do  and  sometimes  did  this,  not  by  any  trick  of 
language  or  art  of  acting,  but  by  the  beauty  of  his 
thoughts  and  the  aptness  of  his  language.  He  had  a 
heart  full  of  tenderness  himself,  and  when  he  chose  to 
draw  from  it  could  move  the  hearts  of  others.  In  a 
eulogy  upon  his  life  and  character,  President  Tuttle  of 
Wabash  College  said :  "  I  do  not  say  that  Morton  was 
always  eloquent.  To  do  that  would  be  to  forget  that 


158      LIFE   AND    SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.    MORTON. 

sometimes  even  the  wings  of  the  loftiest  eloquence  skim 
the  earth  so  closely  as  to  bedraggle  them.  No  man  ever 

lived  who   was    always    eloquent Morton    was 

not  always  eloquent,  but  there  were  times  when  he  was 
as  truly  eloquent  as  Chatham,  or  Henry,  or  Webster. 
To  be  eloquent  is  not  merely  a  thing  of  the  man,  it  is 
also  a  thing  of  the  occasion  which  calls  out  the  man, 
and  a  thing  of  the  presence  in  which  he  thunders. 
There  were  occasions  in  Morton's  career  in  which  the 
man,  the  theme,  and  the  audience  produced  eloquence 
as  genuine  as  that  of  Demosthenes."  The  same  com 
petent  judge  recalls  an  incident  of  the  joint  canvass 
for  governor  between  Morton  and  McDonald  in  1864, 
when  they  spoke  together  at  Crawfordsville.  Dr.  Tuttle 
says  :  "  The  occasion  was  memorable  for  the  ability  of 
both  the  speakers,  but  especially  for  Morton's  rejoinder 
to  his  opponent's  attack  on  his  '  financial  policy,'  to 
which  reference  has  already  been  made.  It  was  worthy 
to  be  ranked  with  the  rejoinders  of  Pitt  -in  the  Parlia 
ment  or  Webster  in  the  American  Senate.  It  will  be 
remembered  by  those  who  heard  it  as  a  very  noble  and 
eloquent  speech  in  defense  of  one  of  the  boldest  acts  in 
his  official  career."  There  could  be  no  better  testimony 
than  this  as  to  Senator  Morton's  power  as  a  speaker, 
and  it  might  be  supplemented  by  that  of  thousands 
who  have  felt  the  force  of  his  eloquence  in  the  Senate 
chamber,  from  the  platform,  or  on  "the  stump."  There 
have  been  many  prettier  speakers  than  he,  many  who 
understood  better  how  to  round  a  period  or  polish  a 
phrase  ;  but  if  eloquence  is  the  power  of  moving  and 


OTHER   PUBLIC   AND  POLITICAL   SERVICES.      159 

convincing  men  then  certainly  Senator  Morton  was  truly 
eloquent. 

His  great  services  to  the  State  and  nation  met  with 
various  marks  of  recognition  from  high  sources.     It  was 
not  alone  the  people  of  Indiana  who  honored  him  but 
loyal  men  throughout  the  country  and  great  men  recog 
nized  him  as  one  of  the  greatest.     Just  before  he  sailed 
for  Europe  in  18G5  the  Hon.  S.  P.  Chase,  then  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  wrote  him  a  letter  stating  that  in 
a  conversation  with  Secretary  Stanton  the  night  before 
"  we,  naturally  turning  our  minds  to  the  past,  fell  to 
talking  of  you.     We  agreed  that  no  governor  rendered 
such  services,  or  displayed  such  courage  or  more  ability 
in  administration  ;  and  we  agreed  that  your  recent  ser 
vices  were  most  meritorious  of   all,  because  rendered 
under  circumstances  of  greater  personal  risk  of  health 
and  life,  and  which  would  have  been  by  almost  any 
man  regarded,  and  by  all  accepted,  as  good  reason  for 
total  inaction.      I  have  seldom  heard   Stanton  express 
himself  so  earnestly."     In  a  speech  delivered  at  a  sol 
diers'  reunion  at  Rockville,  Indiana,  September  6,  1875, 
General  Tecumseh  Sherman  said :   "  Governor  Morton 
was  one  of  the  few  civilians  who  seemed  to  be  unable 
to  do  enough  for  his  soldiers,  never  hesitating  to  count 
the  cost   or   the    sacrifice,  but   acting   speedily  and  in 
season.      General  Grant  and  all  of  us  thought  him  one 
of  the  noblest  men  at  home.     I  wish  to  repeat  what  I 
have  heretofore  said  so  often,  that  to  Governor  Morton 
the  army  owed  much  in  many  ways.     He  never  failed 


160      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

us.  He  never  said  our  State  has  stood  the  draft,  or 
we  have  furnished  our  quota,  but  answered  every  call, 
and  when  the  State  was  well-nigh  impoverished  he 
used  his  own  credit.  To-day  the  record  of  his  fame  as 
the  soldier's. friend  is  bright  and  untarnished  as  glitter 
ing  gold." 

During  the  whole  of  General  Grant's  two  adminis 
trations  Senator  Morton  was  his  trusted  friend  and 
counselor.  Since  the  Senator's  death  General  Grant 
has  said  that  but  for  his  ill  health  he  should  have  ap 
pointed  him  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  and  in  a  letter  of  condolence,  written  to  the 
widow  from  Paris,  he  says :  "  His  services  as  governor 
of  Indiana  in  the  most  trying  times  the  nation  has  ever 
passed  through,  and  his  services  in  the  Senate  since, 
and  during  such  an  eventful  period,  will  rank  him  with 
America's  greatest  patriots  and  statesmen."  Thus  one 
man  whom  the  nation  has  delighted  to  honor  bears 
willing  testimony  to  the  greatness  and  worth  of  another 
who  himself  deserved  the  highest  honors  the  nation 
could  bestow. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

CLOSING    SCENES. FINAL    ILLNESS    AND    DEATH. 

THAT  Senator  Morton  should  have  been  able  in  his 
condition  of  health,  partially  paralyzed  and  seriously 
enfeebled,  to  hold  during  nearly  ten  years  the  position 
of  acknowledged  leader  of  the  Senate  and  the  greatest 
political  organizer  of  his  time,  is  a  striking  proof  of  his 
wonderful  energy  and  will  power.  Indeed,  these  quali 
ties  in  him  were  so  remarkable  that  the  moral  part  of 
him  seemed  entirely  superior  to  physical  pain  and 
natural  disease.  During  the  whole  period  of  his  sena 
torial  service  he  was  one  of  the  most  laborious  men  in 
that  body,  never  shirking  nor  slighting  any  official  duty, 
however  onerous.  Owing .  partly  to  his  physical  dis 
ability,  and  partly  to  natural  taste,  he  participated  very 
little  in  social  life  at  the  capital,  the  time  thus  saved 
being  devoted  to  investigating  public  questions,  answer 
ing  letters,  receiving  callers  on  business,  or  to  other 
matters  pertaining  to  his  office.  His  first  attack  of 
paralysis  in  18 Go  was  the  beginning  of  the  disease 
which  was  eventually  to  dause  his  death,  and  the  twelve 
years  that  followed  were  a  constant  struggle  between 
that  malady  and  his  mighty  will.  His  father  and  a 
brother  had  died  of  the  same  disease,  one  sister  had 


162      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

been  stricken  with  it,  and  after  his  first  attack  there 
could  be  little  doubt  that  it  would  ultimately  prove 
fatal  with  him.  That  he  was  able  to  fight  it  off  as 
long  as  he  did  and  meanwhile  with  shattered  health  to 
^accomplish  so  much  in  the  way  of  public  service  is 
not  the  least  among  the  proofs  of  the  greatness  of  his 
nature. 

In  the  spring  of  1877  the  Senate  ordered  an  inves 
tigation  into  the  case  of  Senator  Grover  of  Oregon, 
who  was  charged  with  having  procured  his  election 
corruptly.  This  duty  devolved  upon  the  Committee 
on  Privileges  and  Elections  and  was  referred  to  a  sub 
committee,  consisting  of  Senators  Morton,  Saulsbury, 
of  Delaware,  and  McMillan  of  Minnesota.  The  last 
public  appearance  of  Senator  Morton  in  Indiana  was 
•on  Decoration  Day,  the  30th  of  May,  1876,  when  he 
delivered  an  address  at  Crown  Hill  Cemetery,  Indian 
apolis,  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  the  soldiers  buried 
there.  Thus  his  last  public  utterance  in  the  State  was 
in  connection  with  the  brave  patriots  for  whom  he  had 
cared  so  tenderly  in  life.  In  that  address,  after  briefly 
tracing  the  origin  of  the  war  and  eulogizing  the  volun 
teer  soldiers  who  had  fought  and  died  for  their  country, 
he  said:  "And  to  these  men  we  never  can  be  suffi 
ciently  grateful ;  we  never  can  repay  them ;  money  can 
not  do  it ;  the  only  thing  that  can  approach  to  it  is  the 
love  and  gratitude  of  a  free  and  an  intelligent  people. 
We  owe  to  them  a  debt  that  is  registered  in  heaven, 
and  that  can  never  be  repudiated."  Referring  to  the 
demand  of  some  that  the  custom  of  decorating  the 


CLOSING   SCENES. 

soldiers'  graves  should  be  done  away  with  as  a  hurtful 
reminder  of  the  war,  he  characterized  it  as  "  a  false 
philosophy,"  and  declared  that  the  nation's  life  consisted 
in  its  adherence  to  true  principles.  Pursuing  this  idea, 
he  said  :  — 

"We  will  let  by-goncs  be  by-gones.  We  cannot  forget 
the  past;  we  ought  not  to  forget  it.  God  has  planted  mem 
ory  in  our  minds  and  we  cannot  blot  it  out.  But  while  we 
cannot  forget  yet  we  can  forgive,  and  we  will  forgive  all 
who  accept  the  great  doctrines  of  equal  liberty  and  of  equal 
rights  to  all  and  equal  protection  to  all,  and  will  be  recon 
ciled  to  them.  And  while  we  cannot  forget  the  past  we  will 
treat  them  as  if  the  past  had  never  occurred,  and  that  is  all 
that  can  be  asked;  and  that  is  true  and  perfect  reconcilia 
tion.  True  reconciliation  does  not  require  us  to  forget  these 
dead ;  does  not  require  us  to  forget  the  living  soldier  and  to 
cease  to  do  him  justice.  We  must  remember  that  there  is 
an  eternal  difference  between  right  and  wrong,  and  that  we 
were  on  the  right  side  and  that  they  were  on  the  wrong  side; 
and  all  that  we  ask  of  them  is  that  hereafter  they  shall  be 
on  the  right  side.  We  should  forever  remember  that  we 
were  in  the  right.  We  want  to  transmit  that  as  a  sacred 
inheritance  to  our  remotest  posterity.  We  know  that  in  that 
great  struggle  we  were  in  the  right.  We  were  grandly  in 
the  right,  and  they  were  terribly  in  the  wrong.  The  whole 
civilized  world  has  now  said  that  we  were  in  the  right,  and 
we  know  that  if  there  is  such  a  thing  as  right  and  wrong, 
we  were  in  the  right  and  they  were  in  the  wrong.  We  want 
that  grand  distinction  to  pass  down  through  all  time;  but 
that  is  entirely  consistent  with  true  reconciliation.  We  say 
to  those  who  were  on  the  other  side  of  that  great  contest 
that  cost  us  so  dearly  in  blood  and  treasure  —  that  cost' us  so 
much  suffering  and  sacrifice  —  that  while  we  shall  forever 
cherish  the  lessons  that  were  taught  us  by  that  struggle, 


164      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.    MORTON. 

and  while  we  shall  forever  stand  by  the  principles  that  we 
maintained  in  that  contest,  all  we  ask  of  them  is  that  they 
shall  hereafter  stand  upon  those  principles,  and  let  us  go 
forward  hand  in  hand  and  as  Americans  and  as  brethren 
through  all  the  future  pages  of  our  country's  history." 

Whatever  others  might  do  under  the  impulse  of  a 
sickly  sentimentalism,  he  would  never  dishonor  the  mem 
ory  of  the  dead  soldiers  by  confounding  the  cause  for 
which  they  fought  and  died  with  that  for  which  the 
rebels  fought.  But  all  that  he  asked  of  the  latter  was 
that  "hereafter  they  should  be  on  the  right  side." 
Time  alone  can  show  to  what  extent  they  are  enlight 
ened  or  reformed. 

He  was  in  poor  health  when  he  started  for  Oregon, 
but  he  thought  the  journey  would  do  him  good;  at  all 
events  official  duty  required  that  he  should  go.  During 
the  entire  trip  to  San  Francisco  he  was  much  prostrated, 
but  the  sea  voyage  thence  to  Portland,  Oregon,  greatly 
invigorated  him  and  by  the  time  he  reached  the  latter 
city  he  was  apparently  in  fine  health  and  ready  for  any 
amount  of  hard  work.  The  investigation  lasted  eighteen 
days  during  which  he  worked  incessantly.  One  hun 
dred  and  fifty  witnesses  were  examined  and  the  sessions 
of  the  committee  were  sometimes  prolonged  late  into 
the  night.  But,  in  addition  to  this  labor,  under  which 
the  other  members  of  the  committee  nearly  broke  down, 
Senator  Morton  prepared  an  elaborate  political  speech, 
for  use  in  the  ensuing  Ohio  campaign.  At  the  con 
clusion  of  the  investigation  he  addressed  a  public  meet 
ing  at  Salem  in  a  speech  of  considerable  length,  which 


CLOSING  SCENES.  165 

the  Oregon  papers  pronounced  the  best  ever  heard  in 
the  State.      Leaving  Oregon,  accompanied  by  his  wife 
and  youngest  son,  he  reached  San  Francisco  early  in 
August.     The  evening  of   the   6th  was  passed  at  the 
house  of  a  prominent  citizen,  and  after  spending  a  few 
hours  in  social  intercourse  he  returned  to  his  hotel  be 
tween  nine  and  ten  o'clock.     He  partook  of  a  hearty 
lunch  and  then  retired.     Towards  midnight  he  awoke 
and  said  to  his  wife  that  he  felt  weak,  arid  feared  he 
would  not  be  able  to  walk  across  the  room,  a  thing  he 
had  heretofore  been  able  to  do  without  assistance.    Mrs. 
Morton  arose,  awoke  his  son  sleeping  in  the  adjoining 
room,  and  they  supported  the  Senator  across  the  floor. 
In  an   hour  or  two  more  he  complained  that  he  was 
losing  the  use  of  his  left  arm,  and  by  morning  the  entire 
left  side  had  passed  under  the  influence  of  the  paral 
ysis.     Previous  to  this  attack  he  had  been  feeling  re 
markably  well,  and  it  was  not  preceded  by  any  warning 
symptoms.     Notwithstanding  his  alarming  condition  he 
insisted  on  starting  home  the  next  day,  arid  accordingly 
a  special  car  was  furnished  in  which  a  cot  was  provided 
and  the  best  arrangements  possible  made  for  his  com 
fort.    Then,  on  the  7th  of  August,  accompanied  as  usual 
by  his  wife  and  son,  he  started  from  San  Francisco  for 
his  Indiana  home.     During  this  long  journey,  though 
he  was  very  much  depressed  and  even  feared  he  would 
not  reach  home  to  die,  he  uttered  not  a  word  of  com 
plaint  but  bore  his  affliction  in  heroic  silence.    At  Chey 
enne,  Wyoming  Territory,  he  was  met  by  his  brother-in- 
law,  Colonel  W.  R.  Holloway,who  thenceforward  was  a 


166      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.    MORTON. 

constant  attendant  at  his  bedside,  and  at  Peoria,  Illinois, 
Dr.  W.  C.  Thompson,  the  Senator's  long  time  physician, 
joined  the  sad  party.  His  house  in  Indianapolis  not 
being  prepared  for  his  reception  he  was  taken  to  Rich 
mond,  Wayne  County,  and  to  the  residence  of  his 
mother-in-law,  Mrs.  Burbank,  in  that  city.  Here  he 
was  at  once  made  as  comfortable  as  his  condition  would 
permit  and  had  every  attention  that  medical  skill  or 
lovincr  affection  could  devise.  The  news  of  his  attack 

& 

had  already  spread  abroad,  and  although  as  yet  his 
friends  did  not  think  it  would  prove  fatal,  the  greatest 
concern  was  manifested  throughout  the  country.  Let 
ters  and  telegrams  of  inquiry  poured  in  from  all  parts, 
and  this  continued  during  his  entire  illness.  Many  dis 
tinguished  men  visited  him  and  a  still  larger  number 
sent  messages  of  love  and  sympathy.  On  the  13th  of 
September  the  President  of  the  United  States  visited 
Richmond  for  the  express  purpose  of  calling  upon  the 
sick  Senator.  The  meeting  between  them  was  simple  but 
affecting.  The  great  War  Governor  and  distinguished 
Senator  lay  stretched  upon  his  bed,  broken,  emaciated, 
and  almost  helpless.  His  once  massive  features  were 
pinched  with  pain,  and  the  eyes  that  had  flashed  fire  in 
so  many  contests  were  dimmed  by  sickness  and  .by  the 
medicines  taken  to  alleviate  his  sufferings.  Approach 
ing  the  bed  the  President  pressed  the  Senator's  ex 
tended  hand  warmly,  and  then,  bending  over,  kissed 
him  on  the  forehead.  The  interview  was  necessarily 
brief,  and  after  a  few  words  of  earnest  sympathy  from 
the  President,  in  which  he  said  he  spoke  for  the  country 


CLOSING  SCENES.  167 

as  well  as  for  himself,  he  retired  from  the  room  evi 
dently  very  much  affected.  In  this  interview  Senator 
Morton  assured  the  President  that  he  would  be  in  his 
seat  in  the  Senate  at  the  opening  of  the  regular  session 
of  Congress  in  December.  Such  was  doubtless  his  ex 
pectation  at  the  time,  but  it  was  not  to  be  realized. 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  October  he  was  placed 
in  a  special  car  and  removed  to  his  home  in  Indianapo 
lis.     This  short  trip  seemed  to  do  him  some  good,  and 
the  hope  of  his  recovery,  at  least  sufficiently  to  take 
his  seat  in  the  Senate,  was  strengthened.     During  the 
following  weeks   Colonel  Holloway  and  other  friends 
were  unremitting  in  their  attentions   and   nothing  was 
left  undone  either  to  prolong  his  life  or   mitigate  his 
sufferings.     All  this   time   he  took  a  lively  interest   in 
current  "affairs  and  especially  in  what  was  passing  in 
the  political  world.     He  wanted  the  papers  read  to  him 
during  nearly  every  waking  moment,  and  even  at  night, 
waking   from  a  short   sleep,  his  first   exclamation  was 
"  Read."     If   the  reader   stopped  a  moment  to  rest  or 
for  any  other  purpose  he  would  say,  "  Read  on  !    Don't 
stop  till  I  tell  you."      So  absorbing  was  his  interest  in 
public  affairs  and  his  desire  to  keep  up  with  current 
events.     Meanwhile  it  had  become  apparent   that  his 
vital  forces  were  giving  way  and  that  he  could  not  last 
much  longer.     For  many  days,  even  weeks,  he  took  no 
nourishment  except  milk  or  occasionally  a  little  beef 
tea,  and- even  these  were  not  digested.     The  paralysis 
seemed  to  have  reached  his  stomach,  and  all  natural  ac 
tion  was  destroyed.     Still    his   mind  continued  active 


168      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

and  clear  and  when  friends  visited  his  bedside  he  would 
welcome  them  with  a  pleasant  smile  and  grasp  of  the 
hand.  As  long  as  there  was  the  slightest  ground  for 
hope  those  nearest  him  clung  to  the  belief  that  he 
would  recover,  but  from  Tuesday,  October  30th,  it  be 
came  evident  to  all  that  his  case  was  hopeless.  His 
symptoms  on  that  day  were  such  as  to  make  it  plain 
that  his  end  was  drawing  near.  During  the  31st  his 
death  was  hourly  expected  and  several  times  the  ru 
mor  went  abroad  that  he  was  dead.  A  great  number 
of  telegrams  were  received  from  all  parts  of  the  coun 
try  inquiring  if  these  rumors  were  true  and  asking  for 
information  as  to  his  condition.  Thursday,  November 
1st,  dawned  gloomily.  The  dull,  gray  light  that  first 
found  admittance  to  the  sick-room  fell  upon  a  dying 
man,  though  the  end  was  yet  some  hours  distant. 
During  the  day  he  lay  very  quietly,  only  making  known 
his  wants  in  broken  accents.  A  number  of  friends 
were  in  and  out  of  the  room  during  the  day,  and  his 
wife  and  family  remained  near  the  bedside.  In  the 
afternoon  he  sank  rapidly.  At  4.45  o'clock  he  had 
a  paroxysm  of  pain,  and  passing  his  hand  over  his 
stomach,  said  feebly,  "  I  am  dying."  A  little  later  his 
youngest  son,  taking  his  hand,  said,  "  Father,  do  you 
know  me  ?  "  Pie  nodded  an  assent  and  gave  signs  of 
satisfaction  when  his  son  and  other  members  of  the 
family  kissed  him.  A  few  minutes  after  five  o'clock, 
while  Dr.  Thompson  was  holding  his  hand,  he  said,  "  I 
am  dying ;  I  am  worn  out."  These  were  the  last  audi 
ble  words  he  uttered.  Then  he  ceased  to  move,  and  at 


CLOSING  SCENES.  169 

twenty-eight  minutes  past  five  o'clock  the  vital  spark 
went  out  and  his  great  life  was  at  an  end. 

The  news  of  Senator  Morton's  death  caused  a  pro 
found  sensation  throughout  the  country.     Although  the 
event  had  been  anticipated  for  several  days,  it  came  as 
a  shock  at  last,  and  created  a  sorrow  so  deep  and  wide 
spread  that  it  could  only  be  compared  to  that  caused  by 
the  tragic  death   of   Abraham   Lincoln.       Flags  were 
displayed  at  half-mast,  and  bells  were    tolled   through 
out  the  land.     Men  gathered  on  the  street  corners  and 
discussed  the  event  as  a  national  calamity.     The  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States  issued  a  special  order  direct 
ing  the  flags  on  all  the  public  buildings  to  be  placed  at 
half-mast,  and  the  government  departments  to  be  closed 
on  the  day  of  the  funeral.     He  also  sent  a  telegram  to 
Colonel  Holloway,  expressive  of  his  personal  bereave 
ment,  and  his  sympathy  for  the  surviving  family  of  the 
departed  statesman.     The  Vice-president  of  the  United 
States  sent  a  similar  dispatch.     The  Cabinet  met,  and 
gave  expression  to  their  deep  sense  of  the  nation's  loss. 
The  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives  each  ap 
pointed  committees  to  attend  the  funeral,  and  both  ad 
journed   as  a  further    mark  of  respect   to  his  memory. 
The  governor  of    Indiana  and   the    mayor  of  Indian 
apolis   issued  proclamations   closing   public  offices,  and 
calling   upon   citizens   to   suspend   business  during  the 
funeral  services.     The  bells  of  Indianapolis  were  tolled, 
and  the   city  council    met,  and  after  passing  memorial 
resolutions,  resolved  to   attend   the  funeral   in  a  body. 
The  city   council  of    Cincinnati  met  and   appointed   a 


170      LIFE   AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

committee  to  attend  the  funeral.  Citizens'  meetings 
were  held  in  all  the  large  towns  of  the  State,  and  ap 
propriate  action  taken  relative  to  the  sad  event.  The 
State  University  and  the  public  schools  of  Indianapolis 
were  ordered  to  be  closed  on  the  day  of  the  funeral. 
The  Senate  Committee  on  Privileges  and  Elections,  of 
which  Senator  Morton  was  chairman,  met,  and  having 
passed  a  resolution  of  sympathy  and  condolence,  ad 
journed  in  honor  of  his  memory.  The  members  of  the 
bar  of  Indianapolis  and  other  cities  met  and  took  ap 
propriate  action.  In  many  of  the  county  towns  through 
out  the  State  the  court-houses  were  draped  in  mourning 
and  business  was  suspended.  The  press  teemed  with 
elaborate  articles  upon  his  character  and  public  ser 
vices,  and  agreed  with  remarkable  unanimity  that  the 
country  had  lost  one  of  its  greatest  men.  Military 
companies  and  social  organizations  of  various  kinds  met 
and  determined  to  attend  the  funeral.  Thus  in  all 
directions,  and  by  every  means  known  to  modern  society, 
men  gave  expression  to  their  profound  sorrow,  and  to 
the  respect  and  affection  which  they  bore  for  the  de 
ceased. 

There  being  a  general  desire  on  the  part  of  the  pub 
lic  to  view  the  remains  of  the  departed  statesman,  they 
were  placed  in  the  main-  hall  of  the  court-house  at  In 
dianapolis,  where  they  lay  in  state  during  Sunday  and 
part  of  Monday.  During  this  time  they  were  viewed 
by  many  thousands  of  persons  who  came  from  far  and 
near  to  take  a  last  look  at  one  who  had  filled  so  larsro 

o 

a  place  in  the  history  of  the  country.      Special   trains 
were  run  on   several  of   the  railroads   bringing  a  great 


CLOSING   SCENES. 


171 


number  of  persons  to  the  city,  and  the  solemn  proces 
sion  which  passed  through  the  court-house  during  these 
days  had  seemingly  no  end. 

The  funeral,  which   took   place  Monday,  November 
5th,  was  a  grand  and  imposing  pageant,  solemn,  impress 
ive,  and  memorable.     A  vast  concourse  of  people  was 
assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  country.     Every  branch 
of  the  federal  government  was  represented.     The  Pres 
ident,  being  unable  to  attend,  sent  his   son  to  represent 
him.     Of  the  cabinet  officers,  Secretary  Thompson  of 
the  Navy,  and  Attorney- general  Devens  were  present. 
On  the  part  of  the   Senate  of  the  United  States  there 
were  Senators  McDonald  of  Indiana,  Davis  of  Illinois, 
Bayard  of  Delaware,  Cameron  of  Pennsylvania,  Burn- 
side  of   Rhode   Island,  and  Booth  of    California.      On 
the  part  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  there  were 
Representatives  Hanna  and  Cobb  of  Indiana,  Banks  of 
Massachusetts,    Towns'end    of    New    York,   Wilson   of 
West  Virginia,  Burchard  of  Illinois,  and   Davidson  of 
Florida.      The  judiciary  department   was  represented 
by  federal  judges  from  several  neighboring  States,  and 
the  army  by  a  number  of  officers.      Besides  these,  there 
were  a  great  number  of  distinguished  citizens  from  all 
parts  'of  Indiana,  governors,  ex-governors,  and  repre 
sentative   men   from   other   States,  numerous   military 
companies    and    delegations    from    civil   societies,    and 
thousands  of  his  neighbors  who  knew  and  loved  him. 
After  solemn  ceremonies  at  the  church  the  procession 
formed,  by  far  the  largest  ever  seen  in  Indiana,  and  the 
remains  of  her  dead  Governor  and  Senator  were  borne 
to  Crown  Hill  Cemetery,  and  there  laid  to  rest. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

SUMMARY    OF    HIS    CHARACTER. 

THE  foregoing  sketch  of  his  life  and  public  services 
will  have  given  the  reader  some  idea  of  the  person 
ality  of  Oliver  P.  Morton,  but  before  dismissing  the 
subject  the  picture  may  be  appropriately  filled  in  with 
a  reference  to  his  personal  character,  and  with  some 
extracts  from  eulogies  passed  upon  him  by  those  who 
knew  him.  But  even  here  we  are  forced  to  dwell  on 
many  traits  that  were  developed  by  his  public  life,  for 
during  many  years  he  lived  so  much  for  the  country  that 
it  is  practically  impossible  to  separate  his  private  from  his 
public  character.  From  his  first  entrance  into  politics 
he  became  wholly  absorbed  in  that  pursuit.  Naturally 
earnest  and  intense,  he  made  thorough  business  of  what 
ever  he  undertook.  To  him  politics  was  the  science  of 
public  affairs,  the  art  of  governing  through  party 
organization,  and  he  devoted  himself  to  the  work  of 
mastering  the  subject  just  as  he  did  in  early  life  to  the 
law.  And  he  did  master  it.  That  he  was  the  ablest 
political  leader,  and  the  best  party  organizer  of  recent 
times,  if  not  the  greatest  America  has  produced,  is  now 
generally  conceded.  In  this  line  he  not  only  had  no 
equal  but  scarcely  a  rival.  But  he  was  not  a  mere 


SUMMARY   OF   HIS   CHARACTER.  173 

politician,  he  was  a  statesman  and  patriot.  He  was  in 
deed  a  Republican  under  all  circumstances,  and,  it  may 
be  confessed  without  detracting  from  his  fame,  a  par 
tisan  ;  but  his  ends  were  always  those  of  his  country, 
and  his  grandest  party  services  were  in  cases  where 
party  success  was  identical  with  the  national  welfare. 
In  politics  as  in  everything  he  was  a  practical  man, 
dealing  with  practical  measures  and  aiming  at  practical 
results.  He  took  men  as  he  found  them  and  endeav 
ored  to  do  the  best  possible  under  any  given  circum 
stances.  There  was  nothing  of  the  dreamer  or  the 
doctrinaire  about  him.  He  did  not  evolve  fine-spun 
theories  of  government  from  his  inner  consciousness 
and  endeavor  to  make  men  and  things  conform  to  an 
impossible  ideal,  but  he  framed  his  measures  to  meet 
actual  case's  and  dealt  with  men  and  things  as  he  found 
them.  In  a  speech  delivered  during  the  presidential 
campaign  of  1872,  he  said  of  General  Grant:  "I  have 
said  he  was  a  man  of  superior  ability.  I  think  a  man's 
ability,  whether  he  is  a  lawyer,  a  military  man,  or  a 
statesman,  is  best  determined  by  what  he  accomplishes. 
I  want  a  man  who  can  do  a  thing ;  I  want  a  general 
who  can  win  battles,  and  not  one  who  always  procures 
defeats."  This  is  a  fair  epitome  of  Morton's  character. 
He  liked  a  man  who  could  "  do  a  thing,"  and  he  was 
himself  that  sort  of  man.  His  public  record  furnishes 
abundant  evidence  of  this.  He  did  things. 

He  was  a  natural  leader.  He  possessed  a  sort  of 
imperiousness  of  temper  which  made  this  a  necessity 
and  men  recognized  it  as  one  of  the  essential  elements 


174      LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

of  his  greatness.  He  could  follow  when  circumstances, 
as  the  good  of  the  country  or  the  welfare  of  the  Re 
publican  party,  required  it,  but  leading  was  most  to  his 
taste.  And  he  had  all  the  necessary  qualities  of  a 
leader.  He  was  bold,  alert,  full  of  resources,  of  almost 
unerring  judgment  in  politics,  with  a  cool  and  imper 
turbable  temper,  inflexible  purpose,  aggressive  without 
being  violent,  never  rash  and  never  slow  —  in  short,  the 
most  consummate  political  leader  of  his  time.  This 
was  not  only  felt  by  the  people,  but  by  fellow  senators 
and  others  in  public  life.  In  an  address  delivered  at  a 
citizens'  meeting  held  in  Indianapolis  after  his  death, 
Hon.  TV".  P.  Fishback  said  that  during  a  visit  to  Wash 
ington  while  Morton  was  in  the  Senate  a  Republican 
senator  said :  "  Your  senator  is  the  leader  of  us  all." 
And  Judge  (now  Senator)  Davis  said  to  the  same  gentle 
man  during  a  later  visit  to  the  capital,  and  while  sitting 
in  the  senate  chamber,  "  Your  Indiana  senator  is  the 
bull-dog  of  them  all.  He  is  the  big  man  of  the  whole 
party."  That  he  felt  his  capacity  for  leadership  is 
undeniable.  Probably  no  man  ever  possessed  the  capac 
ity  who  did  not  feel  it.  Yet  he  never  asserted  it 
offensively  in  the  Senate  or  elsewhere.  On  the  contrary 
he  was  always  courteous,  considerate,  and  studiously 
careful  of  senatorial  proprieties  both  towards  his  polit 
ical  friends  and  opponents.  But  he  never  truckled. 
His  method  of  political  warfare  was  bold  and  open. 
Judge  Hoadly  of  Cincinnati  said  of  him  :  "  He  seemed 
to  me  utterly  incapable  of  deceit  or  disguise,  but  con 
ducted  his  political  warfare  in  the  most  bold,  direct,  and 


SUMMARY   OF   HIS   CHARACTER.  175 

manly    style.     I   came  from    Washington   last    winter 
with   vastly  more  respect  for  him  than   for   men   like 

an(j  .?  whose  pretenses  of  political   morality 

were  very  much  higher  than   his."     The  same  gentle 
man,  referring  to   Senator  Morton's   habitual  urbanity 
of  manner,    said:    "In    his   personal  relations  he   was 
both  amiable  and  kind,  genial  and  sweet  tempered.     It 
was  only  where  he  entered  the  political  arena  that  he 
lost  restraint    and  trampled  down  his  antagonists   like 
a  charge   of  cavalry."     This   needs  modification.     He 
did  trample  down  political  antagonists  if  they  stood  in 
his  way,  but   this  was  done  in   the  discharge   of  what 
he  conceived  to  be  political  duty  and  not  in   a  manner 
to  give  personal  offense.     In   his  political   speeches  he 
never  indulged  in  personal  abuse.    He  often  denounced 
the  Democratic    party,  its    spirit,  its   policy,   etc.,   and 
would  freely  criticise  the  public  acts  and  records  of  its 
leaders ;  but  as  in  the  Senate  he  was  never   unparlia 
mentary,  so  on  the  hustings  he  was  never  abusive.    One 
who  knew  him  long  and  well  says :  "  You  may  search 
through  his  public  addresses    and  compare    them  with 
those  of  the  other  great  leaders  of  the   country  ;  you 
will    find    them    freer    from   personal   abuse  than   any 
speeches   made   for    the    last    twenty   years.     He    was 
bitter   in  hostility  against  the   policy  of  a   party,  and 
there  were,  doubtless,   in   his    speeches  expressions  of 
bitterness  towards  all  measures  which  he  believed  to  be 
opposed  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  but  there 
was  never  any  personal  resentment."       Those  who  did 
not  know  him  personally,  or  who  judged   him   by  his 


176      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

campaign  speeches,  or  by  the  terrible  earnestness  with 
which  he  denounced  the  atrocities  practiced  in  the  South, 
may  possibly  have  thought  him  as  cruel  and  vindictive 
as  they  were  fond  of  representing  him.  Nothing  could 
be  farther  from  the  truth  ;  he  was  a  man  of  tender 
heart  and  very  gentle  nature.  There  is  not  much  room 
for  the  exercise  of  these  qualities  in  politics,  and  he 
was  anything  but  a  sentimentalist  in  public  affairs,  but 
they  appeared  conspicuously  in  his  domestic  relations. 
His  family  life  was  beautiful.  His  devotion  to  his  wife 
was  most  tender,  and  her  influence  over  him  was  un 
bounded.  His  attachment  to  his  children  was  remark 
ably  strong,  and  that  which  existed  between  him  and 
his  youngest  son  was  quite  extraordinary.  This  youth 
scarcely  ever  came  near  his  father  without  kissing  him, 
and  no  matter  how  important  the  latter's  occupation 
at  the  time,  he  never  checked  the  lad  or  failed  to  ac 
knowledge  his  caress.  In  a  eulogy  pronounced  at  his 
funeral  the  Rev.  Dr.  Bayliss  of  Indianapolis  said : 
u  This  man  had  something  else  in  him  besides  ambition 
and  schemes  and  cold  power.  While  he  could  hate 
wrong  with  intensity,  and  could  denounce  it  with  the 
vehemence  of  lightning  ;  could  carry  the  affairs  of  a 
great  State  in  his  iron  hand,  and  do  it  easily,  and  could 
leap  almost  in  a  day  to  the  leadership  of  a  Senate ;  he 
could  also  love  like  a  woman,  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
displayed  in  his  constant  family  intercourse  an  affec 
tion  that  was  as  exquisite  as  it  was  exceptional." 

General  H.  B.  Carrington,  who  was  intimately  asso 
ciated  with  him  during  the  war,  says  :  "  The  one  quali- 


SUMMARY   OF  HIS  CHARACTER.  177 

fying  element  which  intermingled  with  all  his  opera 
tions  was  the  home  element.  This  was  a  necessity,  a 
passion.  It  took  the  place  of  all  other  luxuries  and 
overflowed  into  public  activities.  The  sympathy  for 
the  sick  soldier  which  the  world  respected  was  a  mat 
ter  which  did  not  come  out  of  speculative  ideas  of  what 
would  bring  popularity  with  the  army.  At  any  hour, 
under  any  circumstances,  no  matter  how  stern  the  pass 
ing  issue,  he  relaxed  before  the  appeal  of  suffering,  and 
became  tender  as  a  woman  in  his  sympathy.  There 
was  no  false  sentiment  about  this,  and  only  a  moment 
of  yielding.  There  was  the  instant  impulse  to  re 
lieve,  and  when  this  was  attended  to,  he  resumed  his 
work.  The  demands  of  that  work,  however,  never 
impaired  the  home  charm,  or  interrupted  its  display  of 
power.  Only  those  who  have  seen  him  at  all  hours, 
under  every  strain  of  mental  and  physical  activity, 
with  a  constant  outflow  of  affection  for  wife  and  chil 
dren,  can  understand  how  the  relations  of  husband  and 
father  emotionized  and  governed  his  entire  inner  life. 
Whoever  assailed  him  in  that  citadel  shot  headless 
shafts." 

Senator  Morton  had  great  simplicity  of  character. 
He  was  above  all  affectation,  and  never  did  anything 
for  show  or  effect.  There  was  nothing  pompous  about 
him,  no  assumption  of  greatness.  As  Governor  or  as 
Senator,  he  was  accessible  during  all  business  hours  to 
all  classes,  and  treated  the  poorest  man  as  consider 
ately  as  the  most  distinguished.  He  cared  nothing  for 
dress,  so  little  in  fact  that  he  required  to  be  constantly 
12 


178      LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF  OLIVER  P.  MORTON. 

looked  after  in  this  regard.  His  wife  always  bought 
his  shoes,  and  he  would  wear  a  pair  till  his  feet  were 
almost  on  the  ground  if  her  timely  attention  did  not 
supply  the  need.  Vanity  may  exist  along  with  great 
ness.  Some  great  men  have  been  vain  of  their  per 
sonal  appearance,  fastidious  about  the  tie  of  a  cravat, 
or  careful  as  to  the  cast  of  a  curl.  Senator  Morton 
had  no  vanity.  He  was  so  inattentive  to  his  personal 
appearance  as  to  require  the  close  supervision  of  his 
wife  in  this  behalf.  He  was  thoroughly  republican  and 
simple  in  his  tastes.  While  in  Paris  in  1865  he  was 
invited  to  a  state  ball  at  the  Tuileries,  but  finding  that 
if  he  went  he  would  have  to  wear  a  court  suit,  em 
bracing  knee-breeches,  a  dress  sword,  and  cocked  hat, 
he  declined  the  invitation.  He  could  not  consent  to 
exhibit  himself  in  such  a  garb  as  that.  It  has  been 
said  that  "  no  man  is  a  hero  to  his  valet,"  but  Senator 
Morton  impressed  even  his  most  intimate  friends,  and 
those  nearest  him,  by  the  severe  simplicity  arid  dignity 
of  his  character. 

Senator  Morton  was  an  honest  man.  Whatever 
ambition  he  may  have  had,  it  did  not  lie  in  the  direc 
tion  of  accumulating  wealth.  He  made  no  money  in 
politics  beyond  the  legitimate  savings  of  his  official 
salary.  Living  in  an  era  of  general  extravagance,  his 
family  expenses  were  still  held  to  rigid  limits,  and 
though  he  had  abundant  opportunities  to  enrich  himself 
at  public  expense,  he  kept  his  hands  and  conscience 
clean.  As  governor  of  Indiana,  he  had  unlimited  oppor 
tunities  for  stealing,  and  for  making  money  by  "  out- 


SUMMARY   OF  HIS    CHARACTER.  179 

• 

side  operations,"  yet  after  having  carried  on  the  whole 
state  government  for  two  years  with  funds  raised  by 
his  own  efforts,  every  dollar  of  which  passed  through 
his  hands,  a  rigid  investigation  of  the  accounts,  con 
ducted  in  part  by  his  political  opponents,  failed  to  dis 
cover  the  misappropriation  or  misuse  of  a  penny.  In 
the  Senate  he  was  never  accused  or  suspected  of  con 
nection  with  any  jobbery,  and  the  malice  of  his  worst 
enemies  never  ventured  to  cast  an  imputation  on  his 
honesty.  Judge  Hoadly  of  Cincinnati,  not  a  political 
friend  of  Senator  Morton's,  said  after  his  death  :  "  In 
these  days  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  he  died  a  poor 
man.  His  opportunities  for  the  acquisition  of  wealth 
were  unlimited,  except  by  the  scruples  of  his  own  con 
science.  To  his  honor  be  it  ever  remembered  that, 
whatever  want  of  scruple  he  may  have  ha^  in  the  use 
of  illegal  or  extra  constitutional  means  to  achieve  what 
he  considered  a  necessary  end,  no  ill-gained  dollar  ever 
reached  his  pocket,  but  from  the  beginning  to  the  end 
he  lived  a  life  free  from  the  taint  of  greed."  And  a 
paper  which  had  reeked  with  vilest  abuse  of  him  while 
living,  said  of  him  dead :  "  Living  in  an  age  of  venality, 
of  depravity  and  bribery,  he  kept  his  hands  clean. 
With  opportunities  to  enrich  himself  possessed  by  few, 
he  contented  himself  with  a  moderate  competency ;  " 
and  this,  it  should  be  added,  was  mainly  gathered  dur 
ing  the  period  of  his  law  practice,  and  before  he  en 
tered  politics.  The  following  incident  never  before 
made  public,  illustrates  at  once  his  simple  tastes,  and 
his  scrupulous  care  to  keep  his  reputation  free  from,  all 


180      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 

suspicion  in  this  regard.  Shortly  after  his  second 
election  to  the  Senate,  Judge  M.  L.  Bundy  of  New 
Castle,  Indiana,  a  life-long  friend,  conceived  the  project 
of  raising  a  sum  of  money  among  the  Indiana  friends 
of  Senator  Morton,  and  building  him  a  fine  house  in 
Washington.  The  amount  which  it  was  proposed  to 
raise  was  $30,000,  and  this  was  to  be  raised  from  men 
who  were  neither  office-holders  nor  expectants.  Sev 
eral  persons  had  been  spoken  to,  all  of  whom  had  sig 
nified  their  willingness  to  contribute  liberally,  and  there 
was  no  doubt  that  the  sum  could  be  collected  with  very 
little  effort.  At  this  juncture,  in  order  to  avoid  any 
complication.  Judge  Bundy  wrote  to  Senator  Morton, 
stating  briefly  his  purpose,  and  asking  if  it  would  be 
agreeable  to  him  that  his  friends  should  proceed  any 
further.  Following  is  Senator  Morton's  reply  :  — 

"  UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 

WASHINGTON,  July  12,  1873. 

"Hox.  M.   L.  BUXDY,  New  Castle,  Indiana  :  — 

*'  My  Dear  Judge:  —  Thanking  you  sincerely  for  your 
friendly  sentiments  and  your  desire  to  aid  me  to  a  house  in 
in  this  city,  in  the  manner  you  suggest,  I  am,  however,  con 
strained  to  decline.  The  people  of  Indiana  have  stood  by 
me  beyond  my  deserts,  and  my  political  friends  have  been 
faithful  and  earnest,  for  which  I  am  deeply  grateful.  Such 
a  contribution  as  you  suggest  might  perhaps  be  obtained, 
but  I  would  have  no  way  of  rewarding  my  friends  for  it  and 
should  feel  myself  under  a  weight  of  obligation  which  would 
be  oppressive.  I  apprehend  also  that  the  fact  of  such  a  do 
nation,  and  the  acceptance  of  it  on  my  part,  might  impair  my 
political  influence  and  ability  to  serve  the  people  of  Indiana. 


SUMMARY  OF   HIS   CHARACTER.  181 

While   therefore   fully  appreciating   the   friendship   which 
prompted  your  suggestion,  I  am  forced  to  decline. 

u  I  am,  very  sincerely  yours, 

"  O.  P.  MORTON." 

Considering  the  circumstances  and  the  manner  of 
the  proposed  gift,  the  intention  being  that  none  should 
contribute  but  personal  friends,  and  those  who  were  not 
office-holders  nor  office-seekers,  the  most  rigid  political 
purist  could  hardly  have  found  fault  with  so  graceful 
and  substantial  a  testimonial  to  a  faithful  public  servant. 
Nevertheless  we  cannot  but  respect  the  feeling  of  Sen 
ator  Morton  in  regard  to  the  matter,  and  the  honorable 
motives  which  prompted  him  to  decline  the  proffered 
gift.  He  had  had  experience  enough  of  the  untiring 
energy  of  political  malice,  and  doubtless  deemed  it  best 
to  avoid  even  the  appearance  of  evil. 

Being  honest  himself  he  believed,  as  a  general  rule, 
in  the  honesty  of  others.  He  did  not  subscribe  to  the 
doctrine  promulgated  by  some  in  recent  years  that  pol 
itics  is  a  school  of  corruption,  and  that  every  man  in 
public  life  is  prima  facie  a  rascal.  He  had  no  pa 
tience  with  the  unreasoning  brawlers  who  shower  indis 
criminate  abuse  on  all  in  office,  and  who  defame  their 
country  by  denouncing  its  politics  and  civil  service  as 
hopelessly  corrupt,  "  Those  who  charge  and  believe 
in  universal  corruption,"  he  said  in  one  of  his  campaign 
speeches,  "  are  themselves  most  likely  to  be  corrupt, 
and  when  we  hear  a  brawling  demagogue  on  the  stump 
denouncing  Republican  officials  as  generally  corrupt, 
the  chances  are  that  man  will  be  a  thief  at  the  first 


182      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

opportunity."  He  held  that  the  world  was  growing 
better  instead  of  worse,  and  preferred  to  believe  in 
general  honesty  rather  than  universal  depravity.  To 
quote  again  from  one  of  his  campaign  speeches,  deliv 
ered  in  Ohio  in  1873  :  "The  standard  of  public  morals 
is  to-day  higher  in  this  country  than  it  has  ever  been 
before.  Of  this  I  am  satisfied  from  a  somewhat  care 
ful  reading  of  the  history  of  our  country  for  the  last 
one  hundred  years.  So  far  from  the  public  morals 
having  been  debauched  and  deteriorated  during  the  last 
twelve  years  of  Republican  rule,  notwithstanding  the 
war  with  all  its  consequences  and  demoralizations,  they 
have  been  greatly  elevated  and  improved."  It  will 
thus  be  seen  that  Senator  Morton  was  no  believer  in 
the  general  political  corruption  of  his  countrymen,  or 
in  the  growing  depravity  of  the  times. 

He  was  faithful  in  his  attachments  and  devoted  to 
his  friends.  This  was  partly  due  to  his  nature,  for  a 
truer-hearted  man  never  lived,  and  partly  to  the  school 
of  politics  which  he  practiced.  He  loved  his  friends 
for  their  own  sake,  and  was  true  to  them  because  they 
were  true  to  him.  He  never  troubled  himself  to  con 
ciliate  his  enemies  ;  but,  to  use  a  colloquialism,  he  "  stuck 
to  his  friends  through  thick  and  thin."  He  may  even 
sometimes  have  committed  the  error  of  being  too  de 
voted  to  them,  but  he  certainly  never  fell  into  the 
egregious  blunder  of  neglecting  them  in  order  to  con 
ciliate  his  enemies.  In  one  of  his  campaign  speeches, 
referring  to  this  same  quality  in  General  Grant,  he 
said  :  "  There  is  no  man  who  is  truer  to  his  friends  than 


SUMMAEY   OF  HIS   CHARACTER. 


183 


General  Grant.  No  matter  what  the  clamor  against 
a  friend  of  his  may  be,  unless  he  believes  that  that 
man  has  done  something  wrong  or  is  not  a  good  man, 
he  will  not  desert  him.  He  stands  by  him,  let  the 
country  howl  if  it  will."  Whatever  mistakes  this  qual 
ity  may  sometimes  lead  its  possessor  into,  men  respect 
it  far  more  than  they  do  the  cowardly  one  which  leads 
some  men  to  sacrifice  a  score  of  friends  in  order  to 
placate  one  enemy. 

Oliver  P.  Morton  was  a  patriot  in  the  truest  sense 
of   the   word.     He   earnestly  desired  and  labored  for 
the   integrity,  prosperity,  greatness,  and  glory  of   the 
whole  country.     His  speeches   abound  with  utterances 
which  prove  the  truth  of  this.      He  was  as  little  sec 
tional  as  any  statesman  the  country  has  produced.     He 
was  for  the  Union  unbroken,  the  government    intact, 
and  a  national    sovereignty  that  should  command  re 
spect  by  deserving  it.     In  all  his  measures  and  policies 
he  had  regard  not  merely  to  present  results  but  to  the 
future  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  country,  through 
the  establishment  of  right  principles  and  the  develop 
ment  of  a  strong  national  sentiment.     No  man  studied 
the  constitution  more  closely  or  was  more  thoroughly 
imbued  with  its  spirit.      He  loved  liberty,  revered  law, 
and  hated  injustice.     He  regarded  the  Union  of  the 
States  as  a  sacred  legacy  bequeathed  to  posterity  by 
the   fathers   of  the  Constitution,  and   its  preservation 
when  threatened  became  with  him  a  mighty  absorbing 
passion.     The  mayor  of  Indianapolis,  who  was  closely 
associated  with  him  during    the  war,  says  :  "  If  ever 


184      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF  OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

there  was  a  great  thought  animating  a  human  being,  it 
was  in  the  case  of  Governor  Morton  the  determination 
that  the  Union  should  be  preserved."  After  the  war, 
and  during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  this  sentiment  took 
•the  form  that  the  government  must  and  should  be 
established  on  the  eternal  principles  of  justice  and 
right. 

Many  persons  have  inquired  and  all  will  be  inter 
ested  to  know  what  Mr.  Morton's  views  were  on  the 
subject  of  religion.  While  he  was  not  what  is  called  a 
professing  Christian,  he  was  a  firm  believer  in  the 
truths  of  Christianity,  and,  prior  to  his  physical  dis 
ability,  was  a  frequent  attendant  at  church  services. 
Though  he  talked  little  on  the  subject  he  never  hesi 
tated  when  proper  occasion  offered  to  express  his  be 
lief  in  revelation.  Writing  to  a  friend  from  New  York 
on  the  night  before  he  sailed  for  Europe,  in  1865,  he 
said  :  "  For  the  sympathy  expressed  for  me  by  the 
people  at  home  I  am  most  grateful,  and  you  are  right 
when  you  say  you  believe  that  I  deeply  appreciate  the 
prayers  which  have  been  offered  up  by  the  praying 
friends  whom  I  have  left  behind.  I  am  no  infidel.  I 
wtis  educated  by  pious  grandparents  to  a  professed  be 
lief  in  Christianity,  and  taught  to  reverence  holy 
things  ;  and  though  I  may  not  in  many  things  have 
led  a  Christian  life,  yet  I  have  never  fallen  into  disbe 
lief,  nor  have  I  been  the  immoral  man  some  would 
have  the  world  to  believe.  The  Christian  gentleman 
is  the  noblest  and  loveliest  character  on  earth,  for  which 
I  entertain  the  highest  respect  and  love.  I  recognize 


SUMMARY  OF  HIS  CHARACTER.       185 

the  hand  of  Providence  in  all  the  affairs  of  men,  and 
believe  there  is  a  Divine  economy  which  regulates  the 
lives  and  conduct  of  nations."  Similar  expressions  in 
other  letters  leave  no  doubt  that  he  maintained  through 
life  a  firm  belief  in  the  truths  of  Christianity. 

The  following  personal  recollections  are  furnished  by 
Mr.  Murat  Halstead,  editor  of  "  The  Cincinnati  Com 
mercial."  "  The  night  after  the  day  when  he  was 
beaten  by  Willard  for  governor  of  Indiana  (1856), 
Morton  called  at  my  office  and  was  weary  and  de 
pressed.  His  first  state  campaign  had  ended  in  dis 
aster,  and  he  seemed  to  have  no  political  future.  He 
was  himself  of  the  opinion  at  the  time  that  that  was  the 
end  of  his  career  as  a  politician.  He  was  indomitable, 
though,  took  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  with  Henry 
S.  Lane  for  leader  (1860),  and  so  became  the  War 
Governor.  I  rarely  missed  seeing  him  when  he  came 
to  Cincinnati,  and  knew  more  than  was  on  the  surface 
of  his  excessive  labors  and  anxieties  during  the  war. 
The  first  symptom  of  illness  that  I  ever  saw  in  him 
was  once  when  he  suddenly  threw  away  a  cigar,  saying 
it  made  him  nervous  and  he  must  stop  smoking  ;  then 
he  said  that  he  was  not  well  and  little  things  were  wor 
rying  him.  In  some  degree  this  broke  the  shock  of  the 
news  that  he  had  a  paralytic  difficulty.  But  I  never 
saw  him  a  cripple,  toiling  painfully  on  his  canes,  with 
out  thinking  of  his  alert  and  robust  young  manhood,  his 
rapid  walk  and  ringing  step,  before  the  trouble  came  in 
a  form  so  hard  to  bear.  Many  times  I  talked  with  him 
about  his  health  and  once  urged  him  to  take  the  time 


186      LIFE  AND   SERVICES  OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

and  give  himself  a  chance  to  recover  through  a  long 
period  of  rest.  He  silenced  me  by  saying  with  deep 
pathos  that  his  course  of  ceaseless  activity  was  not  in 
considerate,  adding,  *  I  am  keeping  myself  alive.' 

"  One  of  the  strongest  impressions  that  I  have  re 
ceived  of  Governor  Morton  is  that  he  grew  intellect 
ually  through  the  later  years  of  his  life  more  rapidly 
than  at  any  other  time.  The  paralysis  of  his  limbs 
seemed  to  stimulate  his  brain.  He  was  conscious  of 
this,  spoke  of  it,  and  it  was  the  one  gleam  of  consolation 
that  came  to  him  in  the  darkness  of  his  great  calam 
ity.  His  stature  in  the  Senate  grew  with  each  year's 
service,  so  that  when  he  was  taken  there  was  none 
taller  than  he.  I  differed  with  him  about  public  affairs 
and  duties,  but  his  greeting  was  always  pleasant,  and 
there  was  the  life  of  old  times  in  his  face." 

General  H.  B.  Carrington  says :  "  Aside  from  the 
controlling  political  idea  of  his  administration  as  gov 
ernor,  which  was  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion  and 
preservation  of  the  Union,  he  did  not  claim  precise 
consistency,  but  after  saying  *  I  've  changed  my  mind,' 
he  lead  off  in  the  new  course  with  as  much  vigor  as  he 
had  shown  before.  His  belief  in  any  issue,  or  in  any 
policy,  became  his  master,  and  forced  every  faculty  into 
service  to  execute  its  behests.  He  wasted  no  time 
upon  immaterial  issues  and  by  rejecting  such  was  often 
found  to  be  in  the  forefront  of  his  political  associates, 
leading  not  led.  His  personal  habits  were  shaped  and 
mastered  by  the  exigencies  of  his  work.  Sleep,  rest, 
and  all  behests  of  nature  were  forced  to  wait  upon  his 


SUMMARY  OF   HIS   CHARACTER.  187 

convenience.  No  physical  fatigue  or  prostration  could 
so  restrain  his  will  that  a  pressing  demand  for  thought 
or  action  was  not  respected.  He  was  strictly  temperate, 
had  no  desire  for  liquor  of  any  kind  and  no  epicurean 
tastes  in  the  way  of  duty." 

At  a  citizens'  meeting  held  in  Indianapolis  after  Sen 
ator  Morton's  death  to  voice  the  general  grief  caused 
by  that  event,  after  remarks  by  many  prominent  men, 
all  of  whom  bore  testimony  to  the  great  ability,  many 
virtues,  and  unspotted  patriotism  of  the  deceased,  a 
memorial  was  adopted  as  expressive  of  the  sense  of  the 
meeting,  from  which  we  quote  as  follows :  "  His  sense 
of  greatness  was  such  that  he  saw  no  duty  too  difficult 
for  his  faculties,  and  his  high  and  heroic  will  smiled  at 
dangers  which  most  men  would  have  regarded  insur 
mountable.  His  vigilance  when  danger  threatened  'and 
plots  thickened  made  his  eye  seem  to  be  ubiquitous. 
His  mind  grasped  details,  yet  he  made  them  the  instru 
ments  of  great  generalizations.  He  was  rounded  and 
complete,  and  filled  the  measure  of  greatness  in  always 
being  equal  to  the  exigency  in  which  he  was  placed. 
In  the  supreme  crisis  of  his  country,  when  her  institu 
tions  were  menaced  with  overthrow,  his  was  the  step 
that  was  in  the  forefront  of  the  patriotic  cause ;  his  was 
the  trumpet  voice  that  roused  men  to  action.  When 
the  crisis  was  greatest,  and  the  battles  grew  hottest,  his 
wise  provision  for  the  soldiers'  wants  and  his  fiery  sym 
pathy  for  the  soldiers'  cause  made  every  soldier  of  the 
State,  on  whatever  field,  in  whatever  hospital,  feel  that 
Morton  was  ever  present  with  him.  The  people  loved 


188      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

him.  His  name  among  them  is  a  household  word.  At 
how  many  unpretending  homes,  at  how  many  humble 
hearthstones,  are  hearts  now  bowed  with  grief  as  they 
have  never  been  bowed  before.  Men  may  dispute 
about  this  or  that  minor  act,  but  the  firmest  opponent, 
bending  over  the  form  of  the  great  Senator,  will  admit 
the  general  grandeur  of  his  public  service." 

Of  the  vast  number  of  press  notices  we  may  select 
a  few.  The  "  New  York  Tribune  "  said  :  "  He  was  no 
doubter ;  he  believed  in  his  beliefs  and  .in  himself,  and 
this,  with  his  indomitable  and  compelling  will,  was  the 
secret  of  his  strength.  Although  burdened  for  years 
with  a  physical  disability  that  would  have  conquered  one 
less  resolute,  he  was  nevertheless  the  strongest  indivi 
dual  force  in  the  Senate.  Carlyle  says  that  the  word 
king  (Kb'nig)  comes  from  the  German  konnen,  to  can, 
to  be  able  to  do  ;  and  in  this  case  Oliver  P.  Morton  was 
a  king  among  men."  The  "  New  York  Times  "  said  : 
"  A  skillful  organizer,  a  good  debater,  an  eloquent  and 
popular  speaker,  and  a  practical  legislator,  he  did  much, 
in  the  Senate  and  out  of  it,  to  strengthen  his  party  and 
to  organize  victory  when  defeat  seemed  possible.  Cour 
ageous  and  outspoken,  he  was  never  a  man  of  half-way 
measures  and  compromises.  He  was  not  one  of  those 
meek  souls  who  are  ready  to  apologize  for  the  faith 
which  they  lightly  hold.  The  "  Albany  Evening  Jour 
nal  "  said  :  "  History  will  enroll  him  high  among  Amer 
ican  leaders,  and  will  pronounce  the  judgment :  The  true 
patriot ;  the  faithful  champion  of  liberty ;  the  devoted 
friend  of  the  freedmen,  and  the  uncompromising  sup- 


SUMMARY  OF   HIS  CHARACTER.  189 

porter  of  the  Union."  The  "  St.  Louis  Republican " 
said  :  "  The  Republican  party  has  never  had  a  greater 
leader  than  him  who  will  lead  no  more.  He  had  all  the 
qualities  of  leadership  :  a  clear  head,  an  indomitable  will, 
a  wonderful  fertility  of  resource,  a  courage  that  never 
faltered,  and  a  personal  magnetism  which  drew  from  his 
followers  an  obedience  as  cheerful  as  it  was  prompt." 
The  "  Chicago  Tribune  "  said  :  "  Mr.  Morton  has  left 

no  equal  in  the  Senate Able,  powerful  in  debate, 

aggressive  and  intolerant,  honest  and  patriotic,  sincere 
and  unwearying,  the  name  of  Senator  Morton  is  deeply 
impressed  on  the  pages  of  his  country's  history,  and  in 
future  times  he  will  be  ranked  among  the  great  states 
men  of  the  Republic."  The  Chicago  "Inter-Ocean" 
said  :  "  He  was  one  of  the  few  men  whom  the  world  with 

universal  voice  calls  great Over  such  a  life  we 

love  to  ponder;  the  pen  lingers  to  do  honor  to  the 
brave,  true-hearted,  patriotic  statesman  and  friend  of 
humanity,  who,  living,  occupied  a  large  place  in  the 
hearts  of  the  nation,  and  though  now  to  be  consigned  to 
earth,  yet  speaks  in  the  nobility  of  a  grand  and  useful 
life."  The  "  Cincinnati  Commercial "  said :  "  He  had 
something  of  the  massiveness  of  Webster,  the  intellect 
ual  keenness  of  Calhoun,  the  persuasiveness  of  Clay. 
In  all  that  he  said  and  did  the  commanding  will,  the  high 
resolve,  the  determination  to  achieve,  to  win,  was  con 
spicuous."  The  "  Cincinnati  Gazette  "  said  :  "  In  the 
State  of  Indiana,  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  in  the 
party  of  which  he  was  the  most  trusted  and  influential 
leader,  the  death  of  Morton  has  caused  a  vacancy  which 


190      LIFE  AND   SERVICES   OF   OLIVER  P.   MORTON. 

cannot  be  filled.  Massachusetts  did  not  furnish  a  second 
Webster,  nor  Kentucky  a  second  Clay,  nor  will  Indiana 
produce  a  second  Morton,  at  least,  in  this  generation." 
The  "  Cleveland  Leader  "  said :  "  He  was  not  only  a  man 
to  be  admired  afar  off.  Every  one  who  came  into  his 
presence  felt  the  genial  warmth  of  his  great,  kind  heart. 
Probably  no  man  in  public  life  save  Lincoln  has  ever 
been  so  beloved  by  those  who  knew  him  intimately  as 
the  great  War  Governor.  The  soldiers  whose  wants 
he  ministered  unto  with  such  untiring  zeal,  and  their 
families  whom  he  never  tired  in  succoring,  idolized 
him."  The  "  Dayton  Journal  "  said :  "  The  memory  of 
Lincoln  has  long  been  enshrined  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen ;  the  fame  of  the  great  services  of  Oliver 
P.  Morton  in  times  that  tried  meif^  souls  will  grow 
with  the  years  as  they  pass."  The  "Illinois  State  Jour 
nal  "  said :  "  In  the  whole  circle  of  American  statesmen 
it  would  be  impossible  to  name  another  who  has  tri 
umphed  over  such  obstacles  and  left  his  name  so  in 
delibly  written  on  the  pages  of  his  country's  history." 

These  quotations  might  be  indefinitely  multiplied,  but 
the  foregoing  will  suffice  to  show  the  general  estimate 
of  Senator  Morton's  character  and  the  extent  of  the 
national  loss  in  his  death.  Of  the  state  press  the  eulo 
gies  pronounced  upon  his  character  and  services  by  the 
Republican  papers  were  very  eloquent,  while  even 
Democratic  papers  admitted  that  he  was  a  great  and 
honest  man,  and,  to  quote  the  language  of  a  leading 
one,  that  "  he  raised  Indiana  to  a  place  among  the 
States  that  she  never  occupied  before  his  coming." 


SUMMARY  OF  HIS   CHARACTER.  191 

Thus  from  various  sources  and  different  stand-points 
an  effort  has  been  made  to  present  a  truthful  sketch  of 
the  life  and  character  of  Oliver  P.  Morton.  Necessa 
rily  incomplete  in  some  important  respects,  it  will  still 
serve  to  convey  at  least  an  approximate  idea  of  one  of 
the  great  men  of  the  age.  The  future  historian  will 
accord  him  his  proper  place,  and  if  the  present  esti 
mate  is  in  any  respect  erroneous  something  must  be  al 
lowed  to  the  influence  of  his  mighty  presence  which 
still  seems  to  linger  among  those  who  knew  him.  As 
the  true  outlines  of  a  mountain  or  a  pyramid  are  best 
seen  from  a  distance,  so  the  fairest  estimate  of  a  great 
character  like  Morton's  is  made  after  time  has  par 
tially  divested  it  of  those  personal  qualities  which 
sometimes  confuse  the  judgment  by  capturing  the 
heart.  "  Worn  out "  in  the  service  of  his  country,  our 
honored  Senator  has  so  recently  passed  away  that  his 
personality  still  seems  to  pervade  the  State,  and  his 
familiar  presence  is  still  fresh  in  the  memories  of  those 
who  loved  him.  It  is  too  soon,  therefore,  for  any  one 
who  knew  him  to  delineate  his  character  without  some 
times  seeming  to  verge  on  eulogy  ;  but  his  fellow  cit 
izens  in  Indiana  will  share  this  feeling,  while  those  of 
other  States  can  at  least  pardon  and  respect  it.  With 
confidence,  therefore,  we  commit  his  fame  to  the  future, 
not  doubting  that  the  name  of  Oliver  P.  Morton  will 
be  inscribed  high  in  the  list  of  American  patriots  and 
statesmen. 

THE    END. 


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